It was established in 1950 by an executive resolution of Government of India  on the recommendation of the Advisory Planning Board Constituted in 1946. The first chairman was K.C. Neogi. It was neither a constitutional  body nor a statutory body. 

Functionsof Erstwhile Planning Commssion

(1)     To make an assessment of material, capital and human resources of the country and investigate the possibilities of augmenting them.

(2)     To formulate a plan for the most effective and balanced utilization of the country’s resources.

(3)     To determine the priorities and to define stages in which plan should be carried out.

(4)     To indicate the function which retard economic development.

(5)     To determine the nature and machinery required for successful implementation of the plan in each stage.

(6)     To appraise, from time to time, the progress achieved in execution of the plan to recommend necessary adjustments.

(7)     To make appropriate recommendation for facilitating the discharge of its duties, or on a matter referred to it for advice by central or state government.

It should be noted that the Planning Commission is only a staff agency – an advisory body and has no executive responsibility. It is not responsible for taking and implementing decision. This responsibility tests with the Central and State governments.

Problems with the Erstwhile Planning Commission and Erosion of Federalism

The Planning Commission had responsibility to formulate plans for the states. The Commission was a non-statutory and extra constitutional body set up by the centre. There was no state representative. The nature of the state plans were to a large extent, determined by country’s planning priorities. The development programme planned by planning commission, which also decided about allocation of finances to the states for such programmes. Many a times, there were differences among states regarding the allocation of plan funds. The role of planning commission with regard to states was merely advisory as it had no direct means of securing the implementation of the plan. But some times the states had to work on the instruction of the planning commission for the implementation of the plan.

Since the states were dependent upon centre for resources allocation for the implementation of the plan, therefore, they had no other way out, but to follow the uniform policy as pointed out by the centre. Thus, the centre came to exercise an immerse control over the implementation part of plans in the states. The planning commission had grown in strength over the years. Its whole responsibility was to giving maximum strength to the forces of centralization. Sometimes, it acted as a super-cabinet and  disturbed the concept of the autonomy of the states.

NITI AYOG replaces Planning Commission

Ever since the Constitution of India’s commencement, there existed a body called as Planning commission which was tasked to undertake the planned development of the country to achieve the socialist goals of the Indian Polity. Indeed there have been many successes and failures of the Planning commission since then. But in the aftermath of economic reforms necessitated by globalization and the emergence of integrated global economies, it was realized that probably a body like Planning Commission has not only become redundant but also obsolete in the context of current global landscape.

In this milieu, on the 13th of August, 2014, the present Modi led NDA government decided to scrap the 65 year old planning commission and announced that it would be replaced by a an entirely new body. Accordingly, on Jan 1, 2015, the NITI Aayog came into existence as a successor to the Planning commission.

The rationale behind the setting up of this body was very succinctly explained by Finance Minister, Arun Jaitley when he made the following observation on the necessity of creating NITI Aayog, “The 65 year-old Planning Commission had become a redundant organisation. It was relevant in a command and controlled economy structure of the Soviet era, but not any longer. India is a diversified country and its states are in various phases of economic development along with their own strengths and weaknesses. In this context, a ‘one size fits all’ approach to economic planning is obsolete. It cannot make India competitive in today’s global economy.”

In the same vein, the government of India’s document on NITI Aayog entitled: From Planning to NITI- Transforming India’s development agenda, the rationale behind the setting up of NITI Aayog was further underlined in the following words:

“India has undergone a paradigm shift over the past six decades in all its pervasiveness, politically, economically, socially, technologically as well as demographically; the role of the government in national development has also seen a parallel evolution. Aligning the country with these changing times, the government of India has decided to set up NITI Aayog ( National Institution for Transforming India), in place of the erstwhile Planning Commission, as a means to better serve the needs and aspirations of the people of India.”

NITI Aayog for promoting cooperative federalism:

Among others, this is one of the chief objectives of this institution. It envisages an empowered role of the states seeing them as the equal partners in the development of the nation. It will also serve to enhance cooperative federalism by fostering the involvement of States in the economic policy-making process using what is called as the bottom up approach which was badly missing in its predecessor institution, planning commission which used to follow a top down model of working.  Its initiatives include a "15 year road map", "7-year vision, strategy and 3-Year Action plan". Over this period, indices shall be prepared for measuring States’ Performance in Health, Education and Water Management.  Sub-Group of state Chief Ministers shall be set up on rationalization of Centrally Sponsored Schemes, Sub-Group of Chief Ministers on Swachh Bharat Abhiyan, and Sub-Group of Chief Ministers on Skill Development etc.

This institution will further promote cooperative federalism in the country by serving as a knowledge hub of both internal and external resources besides serving as a repository of good governance best practices to be emulated by the states. As a think tank, it will offer domain knowledge as well as expertise to the governments at both the levels.

Indeed, for the sake of cooperative federalism, it will act as a collaborative platform by bringing together the various ministries at the central and states level in the joint pursuit of developmental goals. This will facilitate the implementation of various schemes besides monitoring progress and plugging in the loopholes.  The spirit of cooperative federalism is further underlined in the very composition of this body by including all the Chief Ministers of the states in its governing council which was not the case in its predecessor institution, Planning Commission. Its composition may briefly be mentioned as below:

COMPOSITION:

1.      Chairperson: The Prime Minister of India;

2.      Governing Council: The Chief Ministers of all the states including the Chief Ministers of the Union Territories of Delhi and Puducherry and Lt. Governors of other Union Territories such as Andaman.

3.      Regional Councils: These are formed to address specific issues and contingencies that impact more than one state or a region being formed for a specified tenure. These regional Councils shall be convened by the Prime Minister as and when summoned and comprise the Chief Ministers of all the states in the region including the L.Gs of the U.Ts in the region. In the absence of the Prime Minister, these Councils will be chaired by his nominee.

4.      Special invitees: Experts, specialists and practioners with relevant knowledge and expertise in the domain will act as special invitees as nominated by the PM.

5.      Full time organizational Framework: In addition to the PM acting as the chairperson, it will include the following:

i) Vice Chairman who is appointed by the PM and will enjoy the rank of a Cabinet minister.

ii) Full Time members who will enjoy the rank of a Minister of State.

iii) Part time Members who can be maximum two drawn from leading universities, research organizations and other relevant institutions holding their position in the ex-officio capacity and be appointed on a rotation basis.

iv) Ex- Officio Members, maximum of four drawn from the Union Council of Ministers nominated by the PM. Finally,

v) Chief Executive Officer who is to be appointed by the PM for a fixed tenure and enjoy the status of a Secretary to the GOI.

AIMS & OBJECTIVES of the Policy Commission: 

The NITI Aayog seeks to achieve some of the following objectives:

a)      To promote Cooperative federalism by the active involvement of the states in the shared vision of national development priorities by evolving mutual strategies for achieving national objectives of transforming India. It will focus on the principle that strong states make a strong nation.

b)      To develop mechanisms in the direction of formulating credible plans at the village level and aggregating them progressively at the higher levels of the government

c)      To pay special attention to those sections of our society that may be at risk of not benefiting adequately from economic progress.

d)      To provide advice and encourage partnerships between key stake holders and national and international think tanks as well as between educational and policy research institutions. At the same time the institution will also endeavour to create a knowledge, innovation and entrepreneurial support system through a collaborative community of national and international experts and practioners.

e)      To offer a platform for the resolution of inter-sectoral and inter-departmental issues in order to accelerate the implementation of the development agenda.

f)       To maintain a state of the art resource centre, to be a repository of research on good governance and best practices in sustainable and equitable development and ensuring their dissemination to the relevant stake holders.

g)      To focus on technology up gradation and capacity building for the better implementation of development programmes and initiatives and last but not the least,

h)      To undertake other activities as may be necessary in order to further the execution of national development agenda and the objectives as mentioned above. 

In a nutshell, the NITI Aayog aims to achieve the following objectives:

a)      To create an administrative paradigm in which the government will act as an enabler rather a provider of first and last resort thereby, emphasizing on the required shift from government to governance.

b)      To create food security in the country by focusing on a mix of agricultural production for ensuring maximum return that farmers mat get from their produce.

c)      To ensure that India becomes an active player in the debates and deliberations held at the global stage.

d)      To ensure that economically vibrant middle class remains fully engaged and its potential be fully realized.

e)      To ensure that India’s pool of entrepreneurial talent and intellectual human capital be fully leveraged for the country’s development.

f)       To ensure the use of urbanization as an opportunity for creating a wholesome yet a secure habitat through the use of modern technology and finally,

g)      To ensure that the technology be used in order to reduce opacity in the functioning of the government at all the levels for ensuring good governance.

In order to better serve its objectives, the NITI Aayog has recently taken a new yet innovative initiative on the advice of Prime Minister called as NITI Lectures: Transforming India. The aim of this initiative is to invite globally reputed policy makers, experts, and administrators to India to share their knowledge, expertise, experience in policy making and good governance practices with Indian counterparts. This initiative will be a series of lectures. The first of such lectures was delivered by Deputy Prime Minister of Singapore recently. He delivered lecture on subject called "India and the Global Economy"  The Prime Minister spoke about the idea behind this lecture series and stated that his vision for India is rapid transformation, not gradual evolution.

National development council[18]

Role of National Development Council

The National Development Council enjoys important position because it is chaired by the Prime Minister and the Chief Ministers of all the States participate in its meetings. The States get an opportunity to advance their viewpoints with respect to their specific problems and targets. This also ensures the consent of States to the proposed plan after discussion and debates. It symbolizes the federal approach to planning. It is also an instrument for ensuring that the planning system adopts a national perspective. The consent of States ensures the smooth implementation of plans. The participation of state in the formulation of plans also ensures that the targets of both the Central and State governments are fulfilled. In legal terms, it is an advisory body but in reality, the NDC approves the five year plans and prescribes guidelines for the formulation of plans.      

Process of Plan-Making

A Five year plan has to pass through various steps before its finalization. The process of plan preparation starts well before two or two and half years before its actual commencement. The process is set in motion with consultation at various levels on the programmes and targets of Plan. The Planning Commission collects various data relating to National Product, National Consumption, availability of resources, National Saving etc. from its advisory and other subsidiary bodies attached to it. Keeping in view this information and data, the Planning Commission prepares a Primary draft of the plan both at micro and macro level. The Primary Draft Plan is, thereafter, sent to the National Development Council for consideration. The NDC considers the Draft plan and returns the same to the Commission with or without any modification. The Planning Commission directs the State governments and Central government to prepare their planning programmes and projects in accordance with the Draft Plan as considered by the NDC. The Commission, at this stage seeks expert advice of specialist panels on various programmes and projects and dovetails the same with the programmes and projects prepared by different governments. On the basis of this, the commission prepares the Draft Memorandum of plan. This Draft Memorandum contains all the policies, strategies and other necessary details relating to plan. The Draft Memorandum of Plan, are ten sent to the Union Council of Ministers which considers itand with its suggestions, sends the same to the national Development Council. The NDC may again make modifications on suggestions with respect to the Draft memorandum. On the basis of suggestions / modifications made by the Union Council of Ministers and the National Development Council, the planning commission prepares a detailed ‘Draft outline of Plan’. The Draft Outline Planis submitted to the National Development Council which holds important Consultation and discussion on the Draft Plan. If it is approved by the National Development Council, the Draft Outline Plan is published for general debate among the people. Along with the suggestions and reactions of the public, the draft Outline Plan is again sent to the Union Council of Ministers and to the National Development Council. At this stage, the NDC gives final approval to the Draft Plan, which is transmitted to the Parliament for its approval. As and when the Draft Plan gets the approval of Parliament, it becomes ready for implementation.

Parliamentary legislation in state field

• Under the following-five circumstances, Parliament can legislate on an item in the State List
• During President’s Rule: Parliament becomes empowered to make laws w.r.t. any matter in State List of the state. A law made so by Parliament continues to be operative even after the President’s rule i.e. it is not coterminous with President’s rule. Such a law can be later repealed or re-enacted by state legislature.
• when national emergency is in force. It needs to be emphasized that when there is national emergency (Art. 352), State Legislative Assembly continues to exist but the Constitution gives power to parliament as well to legislate on an item in the State List unlike when the President’s rule is proclaimed when the State Legislative Assembly is either suspended (suspended animation) or dissolved and the Parliament can make laws for the State concerned. The power of state legislature to make laws on same matter is not restricted under National Emergency. But, in case of repugnancy between a state law and parliamentary law, the latter prevails
• Art. 249 says that Rajya Sabha can empower the Parliament to legislate on an item in the State List in national interest by passing the relevant resolution by two thirds majority of the members present and voting. In other words, Rajya Sabba authorizes Parliament to legislate on a subject in the State List.

When two or more States request the parliament to do so. Other states may later resolve to be under such a law. (Art. 252)

• In the implementation of international treaties and agreements, Parliament can legislate on a State List item. For example, WTO. Thus, there is no Constitutional validity to the States challenging the Central policies made under WTO agreements. (Art.253).

Art. 249

Following are the important aspects of Art.249

• Parliament can make such laws for the whole or any part of the territory of India with respect to that matter, while the resolution remains in force.
• A resolution passed by Rajya Sabha shall remain in force for up to one year. It can be extended by one year at a time
• A law made by Parliament on the basis of such resolution will cease to have effect on the expiration of a period of six months after the resolution has ceased to be in force, except as respects things done or omitted to be done before the expiration of the said period.
• The need for empowering the Parliament in such a manner as shown above is because routing it through the Rajya Sabha makes it federal.

Residuary Power and Taxation

All residuary powers are with the Union Parliament. The Sarkaria Commission on Centre-State relations, which submitted its report in 1987, wanted the residuary powers in taxation to be retained with the centre and not transferred to the States, even though it endorsed the Supreme Court’s interpretation that these powers cannot be so expansively interpreted as to dilute the power of the State legislatures.

The Sarkaria Commission reasoned that the Constitution-makers did not include any entry relating to taxation in the Concurrent List so as to avoid Union-State frictions, double taxation and frustrating litigation. The Commission said that the power to tax might be used not only to raise resources but also to regulate economic activity and giving the power to states may prejudice national interest. Some states demand that the residuary powers, including those of taxation, be vested in the States. The States argue that they need taxation powers in order to mobilise resources to meet their developmental needs.

Administrative Relations: Articles 256 to 263 in Part XI deal with administrative relations between the centre and states.

• Union can give directions in matters related to the following as well
• Designing and implementing schemes for the welfare of the tribals
• Primary education to the linguistic minorities in their mother tongue (Art.351a) and
• Promotion of Hindi (Art.351)
• Construction and maintenance of means of communication and measures to be taken for protection of the railways within the state.

Mutual Delegation of functions:

• Both centre and states can delegate functions under an agreement or an legislation. While the Centre can use both methods, state can use only the first method.
• Financial Relations:
• Articles 268 to 293 in Part XII of constitution deal with Centre state financial relations.

Grants-in-Aid to the States

•   Besides sharing of taxes between the Centre and the states, the Constitution provides for grants-in-aid to the states from the Central resources.

• There are two types of grants-in-aid, viz, statutory grants and discretionary grants:

Statutory Grants

•  Article 275 empowers the Parliament to make grants to the states which are in need of financial assistance and not to every state. Also, different sums may be fixed for different states. These sums are charged on the Consolidated Fund of India every year.
•  Apart from this general provision, the Censtitution also provides for specific grants for promoting the welfare of the scheduled tribes in a state or for raising the level of administration of the scheduled areas in a state including the State of Assam. The statutory grants under Article 275 (both general and specific) are given to the states on the recommendation of the Finance Commission.

Discretionary Grants

Article 282 empowers both the Centre and the states to make any grants for any public purpose, even if it is not within their respective legislative competence. Under this provision, the Centre makes grants to the states on the recommendations of the Planning Commission—an extra-constitutional body.

"These grants are also known as discretionary grants, the reason being that the Centre is under no obligation to give these grants and the matter lies within its discretion. These grants have a two-fold purpose: to help the state financially to fulfil plan targets; and to -give some leverage to the Centre to influence and coordinate state action to effectuate the national Notably, the discretionary grants form the larger part of the Central grants to the states (when compared with that of the statutory grants).

Hence, the Planning Commission has assumed greater significance than the Finance Commission in Centre state financial relations

Other Grants

The Constitution also provided for a third type of grants-in-aid, but for a temporary period. Thus, a provision was made for grants in lieu of export duties on jute and jute products to the States of Assam, Bihar, Orissa and West Bengal. These grants were to be given for a period of ten years from the commencement of the Constitution. These sums were charged on the Consolidated Fund of India and were made to the states on the recommendation of the Finance Commission.

Administrative Reforms Commission, 1966 recommended an authority to be designated as Lokpal dealing with complaints against Ministers and Government Secretaries. And the other authorities were to be designated as Lokayukta both at the Centre and in the States. These were to be empowered to deal with complaints against other officials.

Both the institutions of Lokpal and Lokayukta, according to the commission should be characterised by the following features:

1.      They should be demonstrably independent and impartial;

2.      Their investigations and procedures should be conducted in private and should be informal in character;

3.      Their appointment should, as far as possible, be non-political;

4.      Their status should compare with the highest judicial functionaries in the country; they should deal with matters in the discretionary field involving acts of injustice, corruption or favoritisms;

5.      Their proceedings should not be subject to judicial interference and they should have the maximum latitude and powers in obtaining information relevant to their duties;

6.      And they should not look forward to any benefit or pecuniary advantage from the executive Government.

To implement the recommendations of the Administrative Reforms Commission, the Government to India in introduced Bill on the Lokpal and Lokayuktas a number of times but due lack of consensus on the clear cut framework for these institutions the bills could not be passed. Most recently the bill was introduced in pursuance of the commitment spelt out in its national agenda for governance, the BJP-led Vajpaye government introduced the Lokpal bill, 1998 in the Parliament on august 3, 1998. The bill seeks to include the prime minister within the purview of the Lokpal.

The lokpal bill, 1998

Main features of the lokpal bill, 1998

a)      The Lokpal will be appointed by the President on the recommendation of a committee headed by the Vice-President. The Committee will have as its members the Prime Minister, the Speaker of the Lok Sabha, the Home Minister and the leaders of Opposition of both the Houses of Parliament. The Committee will recommend a three-member Lokpal, including its Chairperson, from the judiciary. The Lokpal will have a fixed tenure and its removal will be made by an order of the President on grounds of proven misbehavior or incapacity.

b)      The Lokpal will inquire into complaints against public functionaries, i.e. the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, ministers of state, Deputy Ministers and MPs.

c)      The members of the Lokpal shall be ineligible to hold other offices, including those of members of Parliament and State Legislatures. The proposed institution shall have all the powers of a civil court and the proceedings before it shall be deemed to be judicial proceedings under the provisions of the Indian Penal Code.

d)      The Bill has special provisions for discouraging frivolous vexatious and false complaints and provides for declaration of assets and liabilities of the MPs through known sources of income.

e)      The Bill exempts the Lokpal from inquiring into allegations against any conduct of the President, the Vice-President, the Lok Sabha Speaker, the Chief Justice of India the judges of the Supreme Court, the Controller and Auditor General of India, the Chief Election Commissioner of India or other Election Commissioners and members of the UPSC.

A critical analysis of the Lokpal Bill, 1998 shows some positive aspects in comparison to the earlier bills. In a sharp departure from some of the previous bills, the present one clearly brings the Prime Minister under the ambit of the Lokpal. But critics argue that by doing so, the office of the Prime Minister may be put undue pressure. However, the provisions will bring about transparency in our day-to-day administration.

The proceedings of the proposed Lokpal will be in public except on rare occasions when they can be in writing. Besides, the appointment of the three-member Lokpal will be done by the President on the recommendation of a committee chaired by a constitutional functionary-the Vice-President of India. However, the most vital aspect of the proposed Bill is that it conforms to the principles of accountability and supremacy of Parliament, which are the hallmarks of Parliamentary democracy. Unlike the previous bill, which stated that the final report of the Lokpal would be presented to the ‘competent authority’, the present bill has a provision whereby the reports of the Lokpal will be tabled before the concerned House (i.e. that House of which the accused is a member). The concerned House, in turn, will decide the course of action to be taken against the said public functionary.

A look at the provisions of the successive Lokpal Bills introduced by various governments and the functioning of the Lokayuktas in various states paints a very dismal picture. The corrupt public functionaries and officials, against whom Lokpal and Lokayukta are supposed to fight, have deliberately made such provisions which can provide them with an ‘escape route’ Besides, the present Lokpal has made a sharp departure from its initial goal of redressing the grievances of the citizens and has instead confined itself to probing the allegations of corruption.

Hence, what is required is to bring about transparency in almost all aspects of the institution of Lokpal like appointment and qualifications of the members of the Lokpal, constitution of the Committee entrusted with the task of recommending the names of the members of Lokpal, functioning of the institution through clear-cut guidelines etc. Further ‘in camera’ proceedings and recommendatory nature of the report of the Lokpal and Lokayukta are provisions, which should be scrapped. It must be remembered that a powerful Lokpal at the Centre and an effective Lokayukta at the states can go a long way in combating the menace called corruption.

Lokpal Act

The Bill as passed by Parliament provided broadly for the following:

(a)        Establishment of the institution of Lokpal at the Centre and Lokayuktas at the level of the States, thus providing a uniform vigilance and anti-corruption road-map for the nation, both at the Centre and the States. 

(b)        The Lokpal to consist of a Chairperson and a maximum of eight Members, of which fifty percent shall be judicial Members. Fifty per cent of members of Lokpal shall be from amongst SC, ST, OBCs, Minorities and Women. 

(c)        The selection of Chairperson and Members of Lokpal shall be through a Selection Committee consisting of –

• Prime Minister;
• Speaker of Lok Sabha;
• Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha;
• Chief Justice of India or a sitting Supreme Court Judge nominated by CJI;
• An eminent jurist to be nominated by the President of India

(d)        A Search Committee will assist the Selection Committee in the process of selection.  Fifty per cent of members of the Search Committee shall also be from amongst SC, ST, OBCs, Minorities and Women.

(e)        Prime Minister was brought under the purview of the Lokpal with subject matter exclusions and specific process for handling complaints against the Prime Minister.  

(f)        Lokpal’s jurisdiction will cover all categories of public servants including Group ‘A’, ‘B’, ‘C’ & ‘D’ officers and employees of Government.  On complaints referred to CVC by Lokpal, CVC will send its report of Preliminary enquiry in respect of Group ‘A’ and ‘B’ officers back to Lokpal for further decision.  With respect to Group ‘C’ and ‘D’ employees, CVC will proceed further in exercise of its own powers under the CVC Act subject to reporting and review by Lokpal.

(g)        All entities receiving donations from foreign source in the context of the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) in excess of Rs. 10 lakhs per year are brought under the jurisdiction of Lokpal.

(h)        Lokpal will have power of superintendence and direction over any investigation agency including CBI for cases referred to them by Lokpal.  

(i)         A high powered Committee chaired by the Prime Minister will recommend selection of the Director, CBI. 

(j)         Attachment and confiscation of property of public servants acquired by corrupt means, even while prosecution is pending.

(k)        Clear time lines for:-

• Preliminary enquiry – three months extendable by three months.
• Investigation – six months which may be extended by six months at a time.
• Trial – one year extendable by one year and, to achieve this,  special courts to be set up.

(l)         Enhancement of maximum punishment under the Prevention of Corruption Act from seven years to 10 years.  The minimum punishment under sections 7, 8, 9 and 12 of the Prevention of Corruption Act will now be three years and the minimum punishment under section 15 (punishment for attempt) will now be two years.

• Bill also includes confiscation of property acquired by corrupt-means even during prosecution.
• Bill has provision that will safeguard honest and upright public servants.
• Investigating officers can be transferred only with Lokpal’s consent.
• A Lokpal member can be suspended by the President after Supreme Court inquiry.
• Inquiry against PM has to be approved by two-thirds of the bench of Lokpal.
• For false and frivolous complaints, the penalty is imprisonment up to one year and fine up to Rs 1 lakh.
• Public servants can face imprisonment up to 7 years.
• Minimum term for conviction in a corruption case will be 2 years.
• No prior sanction required for investigating cases probed by the Lokpal.

Zonal Councils

As has been remarked by a noted author on federalism that the federalism does not stand for multiplicity alone, but essentially for unity in multiplicity. To achieve this objective of Indian federalism, an attempt at further strengthening the cooperative federalism was made particularly, in the aftermath of a large scale reorganization of the states that happened under the state reorganization Act of 1956 which had generated a large scale sense of alienation among the states owing to their linguistic and cultural mismatch. In order to contain this tendency on the part of the states and to reinforce an element of cooperation among states and states and the central government, the zonal councils were created throughout the country so as to unite the country into an integrated whole for the smooth working of Indian federation without much strains and pulls and pressures…

These Zonal Councils were created as statutory bodies rather than constitutional bodies because, there was no constitutional provision as such for the creation of such contrivances as a part of the cooperative federalism as had been envisaged by the Constitutional makers. They were thus, established by an Act of the Parliament called as the States Reorganization Act of 1956. The Act divided the country into five zones and provided a zonal council for each zone as are mentioned in the table below:

Each zonal council consists of the following members:

(a)     Home minister of Central Government (common chairman of the five zonal councils).

(b)     Chief Ministers of all the States in the zone (vice-chairman of the council by rotation, holding office of a period of one year at a time).

(c)     Two other ministers from each state in the zone.

(d)     Administrator of each union territory in the zone.

Besides the following persons can be associated with the zonal council as advisors (i.e., without the right to vote in the meetings):

1.      A person nominated by the Planning Commission;

2.      Chief Secretary of the government of each state in the zone; and

3.      Development commissioner of each state in the zone.

However, other than these five zonal councils, by the North East states reorganization Act of 1971, a separate zonal council was created for the North eastern states on similar lines and to achieve the similar objective of cooperation among them. Thus, today, the entire country has been divided into 6 zonal councils with their respective headquarters that have performing an encouraging role in the direction of cooperative federalism in the country…          

The zonal councils aim at promoting cooperation and coordination between states, union territories and the Centre. They discuss and make recommendations regarding matters like economic and social planning, linguistic minorities, border disputes, inter-state transport and so on. They are only deliberative and advisory bodies.

National symbols[24]

Order of precedence

Salaries and allowances of constitutional dignitaries