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German political philosopher and founder of scientific socialism, one of the most influential thinkers of all times, Marx was born in the Rhineland area of Germany. His father was a minor government official and was a non-practicing Jew who came from a long line of Rabbis. In 1835 he went to study at Hamburg University and left a year later to study at Gena University where he received a PhD in philosophy under the direction of Professor Bruno Bauer. Marx’s main intellectual influence was Georg Hegel, who at this time was influential on German University students. Hegel argued, “What is rational is real.” Which was perceived as a “call to action” for German university students—that is, to use reason and rational thinking to critique the political and social order to call for radical reforms.
In 1842, Marx became editor of newspaper Rheinische Zeitung. His writings in the Rheinische Zeitung criticizing contemporary political and social conditions embroiled him in controversy with the authorities, and in 1843 Marx was compelled to resign his editorial post.
Marx then went to Paris, where he met Parisians who liked democracy but needed to address the needs of the people, so went a step beyond to socialism. Marx also adopted this philosophy. In 1844, Engels visited him in Paris, they began a collaboration to elucidate systematically the theoretical principles of communism and to organize an international working-class movement dedicated to those principles.
In 1845 Marx published “The German Ideology”, In 1845 Marx was ordered to leave Paris because of his revolutionary activities. He then settled in Brussels and came in touch with revolutionary groups, called Communist Correspondence Committees. In 1847 these committees were consolidated to form the Communist League, and Marx and Engels were commissioned to formulate a statement of principles. The program they submitted, known throughout the world as the “Communist Manifesto” of 1848. It was the first systematic statement of modern socialist doctrine. Marx contributed the central propositions of the Manifesto, which embody the materialist conception of history, or historical materialism.
This theory was later explicitly formulated in Marx’s Critique of Political Economy (1859). Marx drew the conclusion in the Manifesto that the capitalist class would be overthrown and that it would be eliminated by a worldwide working-class revolution and replaced by a classless society.
In 1848 revolutions occurred in France and Germany, and the Belgian government, fearful that the revolutionary tide would engulf Belgium, banished Marx. He went first to Paris and then to the Rhineland. In Cologne he established and edited a communist periodical, the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, and engaged in organizing activities.
When the Communist League dissolved in 1852, Marx continued to correspond with hundreds of revolutionists with the aim of forming another revolutionary organization. These efforts and those of his many collaborators culminated in 1864 when the “First International” was established in London.
In England Marx devoted himself to study and writing and to efforts to build an international communist movement. During this period he wrote a number of works that are regarded as classics of communist theory. These include his greatest work, Das Capital (volume 1, 1867; volumes 2 and 3, edited by Engels and published posthumously in 1885 and 1894, respectively), a systematic and historical analysis of the economy of the capitalist system of society, in which he developed the theory that the capitalist class exploits the working class by appropriating the “surplus value” produced by the working class.
Marx’s next work, The Civil War in France (1871), analyzed the experience of the short-lived revolutionary government established in Paris during the Franco-Prussian War . In this work Marx interpreted the formation and existence of the Commune as a historical confirmation of his theory that it is necessary for workers to seize political power and then to destroy the capitalist state; he hailed the Commune as “the finally discovered political form under which the economic emancipation of labor could take place.” This theory was explicitly projected in The Gotha Program (1875; translated 1922):
The last eight years of his life were marked by an incessant struggle with physical ailments that impeded his political and literary labors. Manuscripts and notes found after his death revealed that he had projected a fourth volume of Das Kapital to comprise a history of economic doctrines; these fragments were edited by the German socialist Karl Johann Kautsky and published under the title Theories of Surplus Value (4 volumes, 1905-1910; translated 1952).
As Marx gets older he becomes more aware of the democratic role in the possible achievement of socialism. Marx was, contrary to belief, fond of democracy.
Marxian writings have been highly influenced by the socio-economic conditions of Europe in the 19th century. Europe was undergoing profound changes due to industrial system and its emerging consequences on the various structures. The particular aspect of the state of working class and political system greatly influences Marx. His writings seem to be reaction to the prevailing conditions and looking for a possible solution within a particular ideological framework. Marx was not only an active observer of these developments but at the same time an active participant as well.
By the 1840s Britain was the leading industrial society ion the world and was beginning to anticipate the very real possibility of political mobilization based on the class oppression. In the 1820s France had seemed to be at the centre of socialists ideology. In 1830, however, King Louis Philippne (the “king of the bourgeoisie”) had been placed on the throne by the upper middle classes, who anticipated and required a regime that would govern in their interests. Strikes in Paris and Lyons were effectively suppressed and labor legislation remained extremely repressive. The working classes in France were poorly organized and were not an effective political force. Social reformers like Henri de Saint-Simon (1760-1825) and Charles Fourier (1772-1837) were more interested in planning for ideal futures than in organizing for any real change in the scheme of things.
Between 1824 and 1834 the first trade unions appeared in England, and in the 1830s there was a movement toward union federation that met with limited success.
The absolute deprivation of the industrial working class in England reached its limits in the 1830s and the 1840s. Wages were kept at starvation level. Many factories had no safety regulations whatsoever; children commonly lost fingers and hands in industrial machinery that was kept running most of the night. The revolutions of 1848 terrified the ruling classes throughout Europe.
By the 1860s, however, a series of law were passed that regulated the hours and conditions of work for all kinds of labourers. Middle-class reformers were responsible for much of this legislation, but there was also a great deal of effective working-class agitation for a shorter working day. By the 1870s trade unions were an established political force in Britain. Nevertheless, as the living conditions of workers slowly improved, Marx’s and Engels were correct in viewing the increasingly self-conscious proletariat as a class with an enormous potential for forcing social and political change.
In 1870, revolutionary segments of the working class, and radical members of the lower bourgeoisie took advantage of the disorder caused by the German victories over the French to mount an insurrection in Paris in the spring of 1871. The revolutionaries set up a Commune in working-class neighborhoods in Paris. To defeat the Communards militarily, army had to massacre at least 20,000 workers.
Although Engels referred to the Commune as “the child of the International”, the International Working Men’s Association gave only moral support to the rebellion. Marx was pessimistic about the outcome of the revolution. He had believed, quite correctly, that the composition of the Communards was too heterogenous and the policies of the leadership too vague for the revolution to have any lasting and positive benefits. Marx analyzed the events in Paris in The Civil War in France (1871). This pamphlet, issued in the name of the General Council of the International, was a popular success.
In the summer of 1893 Engels traveled to Switzerland to address a Congress of the second International, which had been founded by SPD leaders in 1889. The Second International was dissolved at the outbreak of World War 1.
Therefore, Marx’s adherence to a radical views was also based on the study of such historical events as the revolutions in England, France and America. From these historical studies he concluded that a transitory stage of Proletarian democracy must normally and inevitably culminate in communism. While he was still developing from a liberal into a communist, he learned a great deal from European thinkers, such as Spinoza, Feuerbach and Tocqueville.
The intellectual heritage from which Marx drew his insights, attitudes and concepts was a synthesis of many ideological currents in Europe of the early and middle nineteenth century. Marx’s childhood and youth fell in that period of European history, which the reactionary powers (favoring monarchical political order) were attempting to eradicate all traces of the French Revolution. There was, at the same time, a liberal movement (favoring autonomy of the individual and standing for the protection of political and civil liberties) in Germany that was making itself felt. In the late 1830s further step toward radical criticism for extreme changes in existing socio-political conditions was made by the young Hegelian (a group of people following the philosophy of Hegel ).
In the “Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts”, Marx notes that Hegel’s Phenomenology of Mind was the true birthplace and secret of my philosophy”. In 1837 Marx was admitted to a Doktorklub in Berlin, which served as a discussion forum for a group of “Young Hegelians” - students and university lecturers who applied a radical interpretation of the meaning of Hegelianism to the study of religion. Marx later broke with the young Hegelians because he came to believe that they were incapable of going beyond “metaphysical speculation.” By 1844 he had come to the conclusion that philosophy without practical consequences was empty.
Marx greatly preferred Hegel to Kant because of Hegel’s emancipatory interest in knowledge and because of his insistence that theory and practice should be united. Marx believed that Hegel was correct in arguing that humankind was the product of the history that it had made for itself. Marx believed, however, that this history was made as the result of practical human activity - specifically, the result of the human need to exercise control over natural environment.
Although Marx discarded philosophical idealism, he strongly rejected the idea that human consciousness was noting more than the simple reflection of a material and environmental aspect of social existence over which humans had no control. In The German Ideology Marx criticized the influential critic of Hegel, Ludwig Feuerbach(1804-1872), who had turned Hegel completely on his head by asserting that human consciousness is merely what we know in relation to some preexisting and determining material reality. Marx argued that there is indeed an external world, which we apprehend through our senses; this world, however, is shaped and determined by the decisions we make about the actions we wish to take toward our environments. As our practical intentions and practical activity change, so our comprehension of this external world is transformed.
From the British economists Adam Smith (1723-1790) and David Ricardo (1772-1823) Marx took the labor theory of value. According to Smith and Ricardo, a commodity, or any object that is produced through the social organization of work, can have value only insofar as human labor power has been used. Marx agreed with Smith and Ricardo and capitalism was instrumentally rational: It encouraged economic growth for growth’s sake, and it rapidly added to the wealth of a society. Marx argued, however, the capitalism was inherently exploitative in that it extracted from the laboring masses part of the wealth that they themselves had created.
Furthermore, although historically the bourgeoisie were a revolutionary class bent on destroying traditional society, they were also eager to displace relations of personal dependence with relations based on nothing but cash payment. Marx believed that capitalism promoted atomized, individualized, and alienated human subjects largely because it encouraged relations of mutual indifference. In capitalist society individuals are not indifferent to the money-making potential of relationships with others, but they are indifferent toward the personal qualities of others if these qualities have no bearing on the universal struggle to maximize one’s income.
According to Marx, it is not work that is alienating, but the organization of work in class society.Among other influences the intensive study of Spinoza (1632-1677) and Hume (1711-1776) helped Marx to develop a positive conception of democracy. It welt far beyond the notions held at the time by radicals in Germany. The radicals consisted of a political group associated with views, practices and policies of extreme change
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