Kinship in India can be analysed within family and beyond family separately as well as in terms of the nexus between the two. Kinship within family would include ‘primary relatives’ with the focus on intra-family relationships, which include husband and wife, father and son, mother and daughter, mother and son, father and daughter, elder and younger  brother etc. These relationships are part of the same nuclear family which is also referred as ‘parental group/family’. Kinship beyond family comprises of ‘secondary’ and ‘tertiary’ relatives. Murdock (1949) refers to eight ‘primary’ and 33 ‘secondary’ relatives. Each secondary relative has primary relatives. The tertiary relatives number 151 possible kins, and there are also ‘distant’ relatives who are beyond the tertiary relatives.

In India generally speaking, ‘clan exogamy, and ‘caste endogamy’ is followed. A given caste has several clans^[1], and a given clan has several lineages. The members of a clan are spread over a given area, and hence they find themselves unable to have common interests or joint action. Kinship is certainly a major basis for social organization, but at the same time it is also a basis for division and dissension in regard to succession and inheritance of property.  Hostility at times supersedes lineage unity.

Karve’s Study of Kinship Organization in India 

Iravati Karve (1953) undertakes a comparative analysis of four cultural zones with a view to trace out something like a regional pattern of social behaviour. A region may show various local patterns. There are variations between castes because of hierarchy and caste-based isolation and separation. She has adopted a historical perspective covering a span of 3,000 years based on ethno-sources, observations and folk-literature along with Sanskritic texts. Karve’s comparative study takes the following points into consideration

1. Lists of kinship terms of Indian languages,

2. Their linguistic contexts and corresponding behaviour and attitudes,

3. Rules of descent and inheritance

4. Patterns of marriage and family, and

5. Difference between the Sanskritic north and the Dravidian south.

She divides the whole country into northern, central southern and eastern zones keeping in view the linguistic, caste and family organization. The kinship organization follows roughly the linguistic pattern, but in some respects language and kinship do not go hand in hand. For example, Maharashta has Dravidian impact and the impact of northern neighbours speaking Sanskritic languages could be seen on the Dravidian kinship system.

Despite variations based on these factors, there are two common points:

(1)        Marriage is always within a caste or tribe, and

(2)        Marriage between parents and children and between siblings in forbidden.

Kinship in North India

• There are at least four basic features of kinship in north India: (1) territoriality, (2) genealogy, (3) incest taboos, and (4) local exogamy.

The northern zone consists the areas of the Sindhi, Punjabi, Hindi (and Pahari), Bihari, Bengali, Asami and Nepali.

• In north India, there are (1) term for blood relations, (2) terms for affinal relations. There are primary terms for three generations of immediate relations and the terms for one generation are not exchangeable for those of another generation. All the other terms are derived from the primary terms.

In these areas, castes endogamy, clan exogamy and incest taboos regarding sexual relations between primary kins are strictly observed. The rule of sasan is key to all marriage alliances, that is, person must not marry in his patri-family and must avoid marriage with sapindra kin. Gotras in the old Brahmanic sense of the world are exogamous units. There is village exogamy. Considerations of castes status tend to restrict the area of endogamy. Marriage prohibitions tend to bar marriage over a wide area in terms of kinship as well as space. Four gotra (sasan) rule, that is, avoidance of the gotras of father, mother, grandmother and materanal grandmother is generally practiced among Brahmans and other upper castes in north India. However, some intermediate and most of the lower castes avoid two gotras, namely, that of father and mother.

Kinship in Central India

• The central zone comprises the linguistic regions of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh (now Chhatisgarh also), Gujrat and Kathiawad, Maharashtra and Orissa with their respective languages, namely, Rajasthani, Hindi, Gujrati and Kathiawadi, Marathi and Oriya. But there are pockets of Dravidian languages in this zone. There is also some impact of the eastern zone.
• Tribal people have their unique and somewhat different situation compared to other people in the region.
• Cross-cousin marriages are prevalent which are not witnessed in the north zone. Cross-cousins are children of the siblings of the same sex. Many castes are divided into exogamous clans like the north zone. n some castes exogamous clans are arranged in a heterogamous hierarchy.However, none of these features are found all over the zone.
• In Rajasthan , for example, Jats follow two gotra exogamy along with village exogamy; Banias practice four gotra rule; and Rajputs have hypergamous clans, and feudal status is an important consideration in marriage alliances. Symbolic marriages (marriage with sward) were quite a practice. Status of mother on either side is also a factor in marriage alliances.
• In Kathiward and Gujrat one finds a mix of peculiar local customs and northern practices. Some castes allow cross-cousin marriages, others allowed marriages once a year, and some others permitted once every four, five, nine or twelve years.
• The practice of ‘Nantra’ (levirate) exists even today. Brahmans, Banias, Kunbis and higher artisan castes follow the northern pattern of kinship organization, but some practices of southern region are also observed.
• Thus, Rajasthan and Gujrat largely follow northern pattern. The terminology is Sanskritic in origin and some kinship terms have central Asiatic derivation.
• Karve observes that Maharashtra is an area were Sanskritic northern traits and the Dravidian southern traits almost hold a balance with perhaps a slight dominance of the former. Maharashta kinship structure is a little different from both southern and northern zones. The Marathas and Kunbis together form about 40 percent of the population; Marathas are supposed to be higher in status but a rich Kunbi can reach the status of a Maratha.
• Kunbis are divided into exogamous clans. Some practice levirate; other consider cross-cousin marriages as a taboo; but some others do not prohibit such marriages. In central Maharashtra hypergamy and clan exogamy exists. In southern Maharashta there are instances of both types of marriages, namely cross-cousin and uncle-niece. The clan organization of the Marathas has some similarly with that of the Rajputs. For example, mythological origin comparable with Rajputs is also claimed by the Marathas. Their names are also similar to that of Rajputs.
• The rule of exogamy is, however, not dependent on the clan name but on the symbol connected with the clan. The symbol is called devaka. No two people having the same devaka can marry. The clans and the devaka both play a significant role in marriage. Status of a clan is important in hypergamous marriage alliances.
• Marathas have as many as 96 clans. Among these, there are concentric circles of mobility and status. Ethnically, there is no homogeneity. No taboo is attached to bilateral kinship like north zone. No parallel-cousin marriages are allowed. There is also taboo on paternal-cousin marriages. Generally, preference for a man’s marriage is with his maternal cross-cousin. Sisters can and do marry the same man. Brothers generally avoid marrying two sisters. Levirate is practiced among the northern Kunbis. However, exchange marriage are avoided.
• The tribal people in Orissa like Gonds, Oraons and Konds speak Dravidian languages, and their kinship system can be equated with that of the Dravidian-speaking people. The Munda, the Bondo and some of the Saora speak Mundari languages. The Oriya-speaking people have the same type of caste division as are found in northern regions with slightly different names. Brahmans in Orissa seem to be immigrants from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Madhya Pradesh. Aranyaka Brahmans and Karans (Kayasthas) do not allow cross-cousin marriages. Some agricultural caste allow cousin-marriage, but others prohibit. Junior levirate is found among the poorer classes.

Kinship in South India

• There are five regions in the southern zone consisting of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Kerala and the regions of mixed languages and people.

The southern zone presents a very complicated pattern of kinship system and family organization. Here, patrilineal and patrilocal system dominate. However, some sections have matrilineal and matrilocal systems, and they possess features of both types of kinship organization. Some castes allow polygamy, whereas some have both polygyny and polyandry. In Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, and among some castes of Malabar, patrilineal and patrilocal joint family dominates as in the northern zone.

• The Nayars, the Tiyans, some Moplas in Malabar region and the Bants in Kanara district have matrilineal and matrilocal family, and it is called tharawad. It consists of a woman here brothers and sisters, her own and her sister’s sons and daughters. No affinal relation lives in the tharawad. Some consanguine are excluded (children of the males). There is no husband-wife, father-children relationship in a tharawad.
• In the southern zone there is the system of caste endogamy and clan exogamy similar to the northern system. It is called as ‘Bedagu’ or ‘Bedaga’ or ‘Bali’ in Karnataka. The Kotas of Nilgiris cal it ‘Keri’, the Kottai Vellals calls it ‘Kilai’, the Koyas name it ‘Gotta’ and the Kurubas call it ‘Gunpu’. Some Telugu people all it ‘Inti-peru’, and the Malayalis mention it ‘Illom’. In Travancore, it is referred to as ‘Veli’. The word ‘Gotra’ is also widely used. The main symbols used for clans are of silver, gold, axe, elephant, snake, jasmine, stone, etc.

In northern zone village exogamy is a widely accepted norm. But, in southern zone, there are inter-marrying clans in the same village. Gonds do not observe village exogamy. The only principle is that of exogamy or illom or veli. A given caste is divided like northern castes into exogamous clans. Inter-clan marriages do not cover all clans. Within an endogamous caste, there are smaller circles of endogamous units made up of a few families giving and receiving daughters in marriage.

• The southern zone has its peculiar features which are quite different from that of the northern part of India. Preferential marriages with elder sister’s daughter, father’s sister’s daughter and with mother’s brother’s daughter are particularly prevalent in the southern zone. The main thrust of such a system of preferential marriages lies in maintaining unity and solidarity of the ‘clan’ and upholding of the principle of return (exchange) of daughters in the same generation. However, there are taboos on marrying of younger sister’s daughter, levirate, and mother’s sister’s daughter. Maternal uncle and niece marriages and cross cousin marriages result in double relationships. A cousin is also a wife, and after marriage a cousin is more of a wife than a cousin.
• Comparing the southern kinship system with the northern one we can mention that there is no distinction between the family of birth and the family of marriage in the south whereas such a distinction is clear in the northern India. In the north, terms for blood relatives and affinal ones are clear, whereas in the south many terms do not indicate this distinction clearly. For example, Phupha-Phuphi for father’s sister’s husband and father’s sister and Mama- Mami for mother’s brother and his wife are used in the north, whereas in the south Attai is used for both Phuphi and Mami. Mama is used for both Phupha and Mama. In the north, there are the ‘extended family of birth’ and the ‘extended family of marriage’. There is no such distinction in the south. No special terms are used for affinal relatives in the south. Same relatives appear in two successive generations in the south.
• Thus, southern and northern kinship systems differ in the context of relations by marriage and relations by birth and more particularly in regard to the arrangement of kin in different generations. There does not seem to be any clear cut classification of kin on the principle of generation at all in the southern terminology. In south zone all the relatives are arranged according to whether they are older or younger than ego (self) without any reference to generation. There are no words for brothers and sisters in the Dravidian languages. However, there are words for ‘younger’ and ‘older’ brothers and sisters. A number of terms are used in common for (1) father and elder brother (Anna, Ayya), (2) mother and elder sister, (3) younger broth and son (Pirkal) and (4) younger sister and daughter (Pinnawal). These terms denote respectability to the elders and not to the actual blood relationships. The point of reference is the ego- and the persons older and younger than the ego are ranked based on their age.
• Age, and not generation, is the main consideration in the southern kinship system. Marriage is outside the exogamous kin group called Balli or Begadu or Kilai. Exchange of daughters is favoured and marriage among the close kin is also preferred. The rules of marriage are : one must marry a member of one’s own clan, and a girl must marry a person who belongs to the group older than self, and also to the younger than the parents. Older cross-cousins and also younger brother of girl’s mother are preferred. A person can marry any of his younger female cross-cousins and also a daughter of any of his elder sisters. Consequently, we find reciprocal relations and kinship terms referred to this reciprocity. Louis Dumont highlights the following points about the southern kinship system:

Principle of immediate exchange,

A policy of social consolidation

A clustering of kin group in a narrow area,

No sharp distinction between kin by blood and kin by marriage, and

Greater freedom for women in society.

Kinship in Eastern India

• The eastern zone is not compact and geographically it is not contiguous like other zones. Besides northern languages, Mundari and Monkhmer languages are also spoken. The main communities are Korku, Annamese, Saka, Semang and Khasi. The other languages are Mon, Khmer and Chain. The area consists of a number of Austro-Asiatic tribes.
• All the people speaking Mundari languages have patrilineal and patrilocal families. The Ho and Santhal have the practice of cross-cousin marriage. But till the father’s sister or the mother’s brother are alive, they cannot marry their daughters. This condition makes cross-cousin marriage a rare phenomenon.
• The Bondo people, for example, do not have taboo on cross cousin marriange but one does not find an example of cross cousin marriage among them, as reprted by Elwin. The Ho and Munda have separate dormitories for bachelors and maidens and they indulge in pre-marital sexual relationships. Sometimes these relationships result into marriages but quite often the marriage mate is different from the mate of the dormitory days. All these people are divided into exogamous totemistic clans. A person must marry outside of the clan and also outside of the circle of near relations like first cousins.
• Money is given for procuring a bride. Service by the would-be-husband in girl’s father’s house is also considered as brideprice. After marriage one established his separate household, but may keep his younger brother and widowed mother, etc., along with him in his newly established house. The Mundari people thus differe from the rest of India in not having joint family. People maintain patriclan relations by common worship of ancestor and residence. They extend help to each other but live independent life.
• The Khasi of Assam speak Monkhmer language, and they are a matrilineal people like Nayars, but are quite different from them. The Nayars have a matrilineal joint family husbands are only occasional visitors. The Khasis have joint family with common worship and common graveyard, but the husband and wife live together in a small house of their own. After death the property goes to mother or youngest daughter. If there are no female relatives, widow gets half of the property if she opts not to remarry. A man’s position is like that of a Hindu bride in the parti-family. But there is a difference because the Hindu bride is incorporated as a member of her husband’s family whereas a Khasi husband is considered as a stranger. A woman enjoys a great amount of freedom. After divorce children are handed over to her. The Khasis have clan exogamy. Marriages of parallel cousins are not allowed. Cross-cousin marriage is also quite rare.
• Though we have drawn a sketchy view of the kinship organization in India, we come to know that both rigidity and flexibility exist side by side in regard to values and norms related to the kinship systems. These are reflected in regard to divorce, widow remarriage, incest taboos, caste endogamy, clan exogamy, rule of avoidance, family structure, systems of lineage and residence, authority system, succession and inheritance of property etc.  However, kinship continues to be a basic principle of social organization and mobilization on the one hand and division and dissension on the other. It is a complex phenomenon, and its role can be sensed even in modern organizations.  Mitigation, mobility and education have weakened the kinship system and rules of clan organization because members of a caste/sub-caste or of a clan do not live at the same place. Matriliny in Kerala has almost withered away. In north-east also it has become weak.