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Table A.1
Parts of the Constitution at a Glance
Parts
Deals with
Article Covered
I
The Union and its territory
1 to 4
II
Citizenship
5 to 11
III
Fundamental Rights
12 to 35
IV
Directive Principles of State Policy
36 to 51
IV-A
Fundamental Duties
51-A
V
The Union government
52 to 151
VI
The State governments
152 to 237
VIII
The Union territories
239 to 242
IX
The Panchayats
243 to 243-O
IX-A
The Municipalities
243-P to 243-ZG
X
The Scheduled and Tribal Areas
244 to 244-A
XI
Relations between the Union and the States
245 to 263
XII
Finance, property, contracts and suits
264 to 300-A
XIII
Trade, commerce and intercourse within the Territory of India
301 to 307
XIV
Services under the Union and the States
308 to 323
XIV-A
Tribunals
323-A to 323-B
XV
Elections
324 to 329-A
XVI
Special provisions to SCs, STs, OBCs and Anglo-Indians
330 to 342
XVII
Official language
343 to 351
XVIII
Emergency provisions
352 to 360
XIX
Miscellaneous
361 to 367
XX
Amendment of the Constitution
368
XXI
Temporary, transitional and special provisions
369 to 392
XXII
Short title, commencement, authoritative text in Hindi and repeals
393 to 395
Table A.2
Important Articles of the Constitution at a Glance
UNION AND ITS TERRITORY
2A. (Repealed) and provided for the grant of an associate state status to Sikkim.
CITIZENSHIP
FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS
21A. Right to elementary education.
31A. Saving of laws providing for acquisition of estates, etc.
31B. Validation of certain acts and regulations under schedule IX
31C. Saving of laws giving effect to certain directive principles especially under Articles 39 (b) and c; inserted by 25th.Amendment Act-1971
31D. (Repealed).
32A. (Repealed).
DIRECTIVE PRINCIPLES OF STATE POLICY
43A. Participation of workers in management of industries; inserted by 42nd.Amendment Act-1976.
48A. Protection and improvement of environment and safeguarding of forests and wild life.
FUNDAMENTAL DUTIES
51A. Fundamental duties.
PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT
UNION MINISTERS AND ATTORNEY GENERAL
PARLIAMENT
SUPREME COURT
131A. (Repealed)
139A. Transfer of certain cases.
COMPTROLLER AND AUDITOR GENERAL OF INDIA
GOVERNOR
STATE MINISTERS AND ADVOCATE GENERAL
HIGH COURTS
224A. Appointment of retired judges at sittings of high courts.
226A.(Repealed).
228(A) (Repealed).
SUBORDINATE COURTS
233A. Validation of appointment of and judgments, etc., delivered by, certain district judges.
UNION TERRITORIES
239A. Creation of local legislatures or council of ministers or both for certain union territories.
239AA.Special provision with respect to Delhi.
239AB. Provision in case of failure of constitutional machinery.
PANCHAYATS
243A. Gram Sabha.
243B. Constitution of panchayats.
243C. Composition of panchayats.
243D. Reservation of seats.
243E. Duration of panchayats. etc.
243F. Disqualifications for membership.
243G. Powers, authority and responsibility of panchayats.
243H. Powers to impose taxes by, and funds of the panchayats.
243I. Constitution of finance commission to review financial position.
243J. Audit of accounts of panchayats.
243K. Elections to the panchayats.
243L. Application to union territories.
243M. Part not to apply to certain areas.
243N. Continuance of existing laws and panchayats.
243O. Bar to interference by courts in electoral matters.
MUNICIPALITIES
243P. Definitions.
243Q. Constitution of municipalities.
243R. Composition of municipalities.
243S. Constitution and composition of wards committees, etc.
243T. Reservation of seats.
243U. Duration of municipalities, etc.
243V. Disqualifications for membership.
243W. Powers, authority and responsibilities of municipalities, etc.
243X. Power to impose taxes by, and funds of, the municipalities.
243Y. Finance commission.
243Z. Audit of accounts of municipalities.
243ZA. Elections to the municipalities.
243ZB. Application to union territories.
243ZC. Part not to apply to certain areas.
243ZD. Committee for district planning.
243ZE. Committee for metropolitan planning.
243ZF. Continuance of existing laws and municipalities.
243ZG. Bar to interference by courts in electoral matters.
SCHEDULED AND TRIBAL AREAS
244A. Formation of an autonomous state comprising certain tribal areas in Assam for example, Meghalaya and creation of local legislature or council of ministers or both therefor.
CENTRE-STATE LEGISLATIVE RELATIONS
CENTRE-STATE ADMINISTRATIVE RELATIONS
257A. (Repealed)
258A. Power of the states to entrust functions on to the Union.
CENTRE-STATE FINANCIAL RELATIONS
290A. Annual payment to certain devaswom funds.
RIGHTS AND LIABILITIES OF THE GOVERNMENT
RIGHT TO PROPERTY
300A. Persons not to be deprived of property save by authority of law.
PUBLIC SERVICES
312A. Power of Parliament to vary or revoke conditions of service of officers of certain services.
PUBLIC SERVICE COMMISSIONS
TRIBUNALS
323A. Administrative tribunals.
323B. Tribunals for other matters.
ELECTIONS
329A. (Repealed).
SPECIAL PROVISIONS FOR SCs, STs & OTHERS
OFFICIAL LANGUAGE
350A. Facilities for instruction in mother-tongue at primary stage.
350B. Special officer for linguistic minorities.
EMERGENCY PROVISIONS
359A. (Repealed).
MISCELLANEOUS
361A. Protection of publication of proceedings of Parliament and state legislatures.
363A. Recognition granted to rulers of Indian states to cease and privy purses to be abolished.
AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION
TEMPORARY, TRANSITIONAL AND SPECIAL PROVISIONS
371B. Special provision with respect to the State of Nagaland.
371C. Special provision with respect to the State of Assam.
371D. Special provision with respect to the State of Manipur.
371E. Establishment of central university of Andhra Pradesh.
371F. Special provision with respect to the State of Sikkim.
371G. Special provision with respect to the State of Mizoram.
371H. Special provision with respect to the State of Arunachal Pradesh.
371I. Special provision with respect to the State of Goa.
372A. Power of the president to adapt laws.
378A. Special provisions as to duration of Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly 379-(Repealed).
SHORT TITLE, COMMENCEMENT, ETC
Table A.3
Schedules of the Constitution at a Glance
Schedules
First
Names and territorial extent of 28 States and 7 Union Territories of the Indian Union.
Second
Emoluments, allowances, privileges and so on of the President of India, the State Governors, the Speaker, and the Deputy Speaker of the Lok Sabha and the State legislative assemblies, the Chairman and the Deputy Chairman of the Rajya Sabha and the State Legislative Councils, the Judges of the Supreme Court and the state high courts, the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India.
Third
Forms of oaths or affirmations to be made by the Union and state ministers, the Members of the Parliament and the state legislatures, the Judges of the Supreme Court and the state high courts, the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India, and the candidates for election to the Parliament, and the state legislatures.
Fourth
Number of seats allotted to various states and union territories in the Rajya Sabha.
Fifth
Administration and control of scheduled areas and scheduled tribes.
Sixth
Administration of tribal areas in the States of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram.
Seventh
Division of powers between the Union and the States in terms of Union List (originally 97 but presently 99 subjects), State List (originally 66 but presently 61 subjects) and Concurrent List (originally 47 but presently 52 subjects).
Eighth
Languages (originally 14 but presently 22) recognized by the Constitution. They are Assemese, Bengali, Gujarati, Hindi, Kannada, Kaskmiri, Konkani, Malayalam, Manipuri, Marathi, Nepali, Oriya, Punjabi, Sanskrit, Sindhi, Tamil, Telegu and Urdu. Sindhi was added by the 21st Amendment (1967) while Konkani, Manipuri and Nepali were added by the 71st Amendment (1992). 92nd Amendment (2003) added Bodo, Dogri, Maithili and Santhali.
Ninth
Acts and Regulations (originally 13 but presently about 300) of the state legislatures dealing with land reforms and abolition of the zamindari system and of the Parliament dealing with other matters. These are immune from judicial review even on the ground of violation of a fundamental right. However, they can be challenged on the ground of being violative of the basic structure of the Constitution. This schedule was added by the 1st Amendment (1951).
Tenth
Disqualification of the members of Parliament and state legislatures on the ground of defection. This schedule was added by the 52nd Amendment Act, also known as Anti-defection Act (1985).
Eleventh
Powers, authority and responsibilities of Panchayats. It has 29 subjects. This schedule was added by the 73rd Amendment (1992).
Twelfth
Powers, authority and responsibilities of municipalities. It has 18 subjects. This schedule was added by the 74th Amendment (1992).
What is a Constitution?
Therefore, a Constitution may be defined as a document having a special legal sanctity which sets out the framework for the kind of a political system that a state might have, the principal organs of its government, their functions and powers as well as the guiding principles that govern the operation of such organs whereas, for all practical purposes or otherwise, the said document is being considered as sacrosanct & supreme law of the land. A constitution being the first law of a country, it does not make other laws being sub-servient or inferior to it, but necessarily make them to be drafted within the bounds of the Constitution.
How about defining a Constitution as being a kind of written contract between the rulers and the ruled wherein, the ruled employ the rulers for a fixed duration to run the affairs of the government on their behalf strictly according to the terms and conditions written in a document called as Constitution.
Traditionally, every constitution is known to have created 3 main organs of the government that are noted for performing their respective traditional functions such as:
Types/classification of the constitutions
What’s a written constitution?
What’s an un-written constitution?
What’s a unitary constitution?
Rigid & Flexible constitutions:
Legally speaking, the word Constitution is a restrictive term and Constitutional law is a wider term in the sense that the former includes only those rules & regulations of the polity that are specifically written in it while, the latter covers both written and un-written rules as the state follows them consistently as a matter of practice and usage to run its affairs. In short, it can be said that the Constitutional law of a country consists of both legal as well non-legal norms of the polity. Legal norms are always enforced and applied by the courts and if any such norm is violated, courts are there to provide relief and redress. Non-legal norms on the other hand, are not provided there in the Constitution in any written form, but are generally followed by a state over a period of time as a matter of practices being observed over and over again. To such non-legal norms, we generally call as conventions, customs, usages or practices of the Constitution. While, there may be nothing written in the Constitution about these conventions therefore, the courts also become helpless to enforce them in case of their violation. Thus, only possible sanction behind these conventions could more likely be political or public opinion as the former Chief Justice of India, Justice Ahmadi once remarked about the growth of the conventions even within the framework of Indian Polity:
“Conventions grow from long standing accepted practices or by agreement in such areas where the written law is silent and such a convention would not breach the law but fill the gap.”
In more philosophical terms, Constitutional conventions provide the flesh which clothes the dry bones of the law.
To study the Constitutional law of our country in a correct perspective, it would be wrong to assume that the violation of a convention would not lead to a court case and as such, are not enforceable in the court of law. In fact, Indian Constitution is replete with such cases where conventions have been duly recognized and enforced not only by the Indian judiciary but abroad as well thus making us to believe that conventions do influence the outcome of judicial decisions to a great extent. Now with the judicial recognition of conventions, it would not be wrong to conclude that the distinction between law and conventions has now become more blurred rather than apparent.
INTRODUCTORY: Evolutionary History of India’s Constitution or The Constitutional Development of India:
Please pay special attention to the following historical facts that preceded the formation of our Constitution, covering some important events and historical facts that circumscribed our freedom struggle against the British imperialism. It may serve you in good stead both in respect of gaining a foothold on legal GK and static GK component of your CLAT exam…
The Constitution of India is the culmination and expression of the aspirations of the Indian People to be free from the yoke of British Imperialism and control their destiny so as to follow a path of economic prosperity and social justice. The struggle for independence sought not only to attain political freedom but also to secure economic and social justice which could not be possible while living under Imperialist rule.
The Constitution establishes a Sovereign Socialist Secular Democratic Republic and paves the way for securing to the citizens of India economic, social and political justice. It establishes not only a secular parliamentary democracy but also sets an ideal of a social and economic democracy. Apart from the guarantee of Fundamental Rights, it lays down the Directive Principles of State Policy in the pursuance of which the Government has adopted the Socialistic Pattern of Society as its ideal.
Evolution: The Constitution of India in reality has no constitutional history behind it, in respect of its content of sovereignty. Instead, it has long history of political struggle and administrative reforms under the British domination. An historical survey of British rule in India shows that up to 1858, administrative machinery was only meant to govern British India as police-state from England and there was no question of the consultation or cooperation of the people of India. After 1858, although the executive remained entirely responsible to the British Parliament yet in the governance of the country, it tried to ascertain and understand public feelings with a view to making its measures effective and acceptable to the Indians. It was a sort of benevolent despotism tempered by the public interest and the haphazard interest of a remote democracy. The educated classes of Indian population reacted to the despotism and economic exploitation of foreign imperialism and an urge for liberation from alien rule was felt by them. The national movement was started in an organized form as early as 1885 when the Indian National Congress was formed. The main demand at this stage was the association of Indians with the administration of the country. The movement was constitutional and limited to Council Chambers and some concessions for educated Indians were generally sought for.
During the period between 1900 to 1919, Indian politics became radical and revolutionary.
Extremism or Militant Nationalism: This period is known as the period of extremist politics led by Lal-Bal-Pal (Lala Lajpat Rai, Bal GangaDhar Tilak and Bipin Chandra Pal). Tilak’s “freedom is my birthright” became the slogan of the freedom movement. Politics came out of the Council Chambers and the masses were organised. Movements for use of Swadeshi goods and boycott of foreign goods took birth. Besides this extremist movement being led by these great patriots this period also saw the bomb cult. The revolutionary organizations sprang up throughout the country; the Gadar movement being the most important and most pervading of them. This period is known as a period of militant nationalism. The British Government followed a dual policy of suppressing the revolutionary and radical movement and winning over the moderate elements in the political life on the one hand and sowing the seed of communal hatred on the other. The 1909 Reforms extended the representation of Indians in Councils and granted separate communal representation to the Muslims. It was during this period that, for the first time, Indians was included into the Executive Councils of the Governor-General and Governors.
1917 Declaration and 1919 Reforms: As a result of the bombcult-extremist movements and the First World War, the British Government made Declaration of Policy of 1917. In this declaration, the Government promised responsible government to India as soon as possible after the war. But instead of introducing any responsible form of Government in India, it came forward with its 1919 Reforms. These reforms were a milestone in the constitutional development of India. Dyarchy was introduced in the provinces. For the first time, Indians were given some share of power in the provincial administration, however little it was. The administration of the provinces was divided into two parts – Reserved and Transferred. The Reserved subjects were put directly under the British Governors while the transferred half was administered by Indian ministers. The Legislatures had official and elected members, Bicameral Central Legislature, was established, with the lower chamber called the Legislative Assembly, having non-official majority that consisted of a total membership of 144 members of which 104 were elected. This Central Legislature continued till 1947, when power was transferred to Indian hands.
However, these reforms failed to satisfy the political aspirations of India because no responsible government as promised in the 1917 declaration was granted. In fact all powers were concentrated into the hands of the Governor-General at the Centre and Governors in the Provinces. The ministers worked under the pleasure of the Governors and subject to their over-riding powers and whims. From now onwards started the Gandhian era in Indian politics.
Gandhi Enters Politics: Gandhi, who had already won recognition for his successful passive resistance movement in South Africa against Asiatic Law, easily captured the minds of the Indian for his appealing personality. He was a great co-operator and prided in the citizenship of British Empire for which he had a genuine sense of loyalty. He was awarded medal for his meritorious services during World War I. But passing of the Rowlatt Act, severe treatment of Turkey – the seat of the Caliph of Muslim people – and Jallianwala tragedy shook his faith in the British sense of Justice and fairness and turned him a non-co-operator. To forge Hindu-Muslim unity, he extended his help to Muslims and headed the Khilafat Movement. No other period saw such a great Hindu-Muslim co-operation at political level. Millions participated in these movements and went to jail. Gandhiji made the political movement popular with teeming millions of India.
The Russian Revolution: The Russian Revolution of 1917 was a landmark in world history. It had great impact on Indian politics. It was during 1920’s that the Communist Party was formed and the Trade Union movement was organised in India which soon became militant. Socialist, communist and other left organizations came into being. The students, youth and peasants movements sprang up. Young and progressive leaders like Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhash Chandra Bose entered politics. The Congress began to talk of economic and social programme in Free India. It adopted the policy of linguistic organisation of States. Politics became so militant that in 1929 the Congress at its Lahore Session adopted a resolution for complete Independence of India. It was a step further than the Dominion Status that had been its demand so far.
Communalism: However, it was during 1905 and thereafter that communalism became active. Communal riots occurred on an unprecedented scale. The Hindu Mahasabha and the Muslim League came out of their grooves and began to count in India’s political life though seeds of separatism were sown in 1906 when the Muslim League with the Agha Khan as Chairman was formed and even earlier than this, the Partition of Bengal was done out of communal considerations only. Under the 1909 Reforms, communal representation was conceded to the Muslims and this policy was extended under the 1919 Reforms. The various Unity Conferences for forging Hindu-Muslim Unity failed. The constitution and communal tangle remains unsolved. The communal award of 1932 laid down the foundation of Pakistan and subsequently Mr. Jinnah on the basis of the two nation theory could not be satisfied with less than a separate state for Muslims.
The Simon Commission: The Simon Commission visited India during this period, with a view to making recommendations on the next constitutional step since the 1919 Reforms had proved a failure. It was boycotted by all the political elements in India except the communal parties like the Hindu Mahasabha and a section of the Muslim League. It was during this boycott of the Simon Commission that L. Lajpat Rai got injured at the hands of the police and died at the altar of mother India.
S. Bhagat Singh: While Indian politics had taken to constitutionalism and vested interests were utilizing the communal parties to divide the progressive national forces, a clarion call was given by the great patriot, S. Bhagat Singh. By throwing a bomb in the Central Assembly, he not only expressed the anger of the Indian people against imperialism but also warned the Indian politicians of the purpose before them which they had at the moment forgotten and had fallen in communal squabbles.
Connecting concepts: Nehru Committee Report: The ‘blue print’ of India’s present Constitution: It was here and now that the Indian political elements accepted the challenge of the British Government that the Indian could not agree among themselves and produce a constitution. The Nehru Committee appointed by all parties, produced a constitution for India. Many features of the present Constitution are similar to those of the Constitution propounded in the Nehru Committee Report. It has rightly been called the ‘blue print of the New Constitution’.
Round Table Conferences: The Government called a Round Table Conference to determine the next step in the constitutional advancement of India. It invited representatives of all the reactionary and vested interests in the Indian society. The Indian National Congress, a dominant political force in India refused to participate in the Conference. The Congress started Satyagraha for the demand of complete. Independence, January 26, 1930, was celebrated as Independence Day and it was for this reason that the constitution was inaugurated on 26th January, 1950. Since then this Independence Day has become the Republic Day.
Congress and the 2nd Round Table Conference: Gandhiji entered into an agreement with Lord Irwin. This is known as Gandhi Irwin Pact. Gandhiji, as a consequence, participated in the 2nd Round Table Conference as the sole official representative of the Congress. The Satyagraha was suspended. The Conference failed. Gandhiji was arrested on his return. It was at the Karachi Session (1931) that the Fundamental Rights Resolution was adopted by the congress, which was embodied in the Constitution under the chapter of Fundamental Rights. It was a result of the proceedings of the 2nd Round Table Conference that the British Government gave Communal Award announced by the then British Prime Minister, Ramsay MacDonald (1932) under which besides giving separate representation to various communities, it gave separate representation to the Muslims even in those provinces where they were in majority as in Bengal and the Punjab. The Harijans were also given separate representation. Thus, a sinister attempt was made to divide the Hindu society as well. Mahatma Gandhi went on fast unto death and it resulted into an agreement under which the Harijans were given reserved representation in place of separate representation. The unity of the Hindu community was thus preserved to some extent.
1935 Act: These constitutional and political developments led to the passage of the 1935 Act which came into operation on Ist April, 1937. This Act provided for a federation for India in which the Indian states were to join British India and granted full provincial autonomy. The Act provided for the political separation of Burma from India. Two new provinces of Sindh and Orissa were created. Dyarchical system of government was established in the British Indian provinces and a similar type of government was proposed to be introduced at the Centre. The provincial part of the Constitution which introduced autonomy in the Provinces was acceptable to the Congress to some extent but the central part was not acceptable. In the elections to the Provincial Assemblies held in 1937, the Congress won a thumping majority in a number of Provinces. It formed governments either independently or in cooperation with other groups in 8 out of 11 provinces. The federal part of the Act never came into operation.
This Act was described by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru as a ‘Charter of Slavery’. The executive was armed with wide discretionary and over riding authority. In the centre the native States were to join a Federation and would have always sided with the British Government against the Nationalist forces. Further political advancement would have been completely blocked. Except the Hindu Mahasabha, all other parties had rejected the central part of the Act. The present Constitution is to a very large extent an adaptation of the 1935 Act to the changed conditions of free India.
The Second World War: However, after the working of the provincial autonomy for about 2 ½ years, World War II started. The British Government of India joined it on the side of allies. The executive in India was given dictatorial powers under the Defence of India Rules to prosecute the War enemies. The Congress party resigned from the provincial ministries at the end of 1939 as a protest. Mahatma Gandhi again assumed the reins of the congress which began its final bid for attainment of Independence. It demanded a declaration by the British Government that India would get independence after the War and that a provisional government representing political India should be formed after the War. The Muslim League adopted a resolution in March 1940 demanding the formation of Pakistan.
The August Offer: The British government made an offer, known as the August Offer, in August 1940. It promised Dominion Status to India after the War: the Constitution was to be framed by Indians subject to the due fulfillment of obligation which Great Britain’s long connections with India had imposed upon her. During the War period, the Executive Council of the Governor-General was to be expanded to include the popular representatives of the people of India. The Congress rejected the offer. Gandhiji started individual Satyagraha. He did not want to interfere with prosecution of war and at the same time expressed indignation of the Indian people. Acharya Vinoba Bhave was the first person to offer Satyagraha in this movement.
The war situation, in the meanwhile, deteriorated. Japan entered the war and started knocking at the doors of India. The world public opinion pressurized the British Government to take some steps to reconciliate the Indian People. The British Government announced the appointment of the Cripps Mission with a view to enlisting co-operation of the Indian people.
The Cripps Mission: Early in 1942 Sir Stafford Cripps, a member of the War Cabinet of Mr. Churchill was sent to India to make definite offer to India on behalf of the British Government. Mr. Cripps came to India on 23rd of March 1942. His proposals consisted of two parts: one dealing with long term problem of Indian freedom and the other with the immediate establishment of an Interim Government at the Centre. The long term proposals were vague. Negotiations failed on the immediate issues. The Indian National Congress demanded complete Indianisation of the Governor General’s Executive Council. But the British rulers were not prepared to surrender the portfolio of Defence to an Indian. Mahatma Gandhi dubbed the proposals as a post-dated cheque.
The Quit India Resolution of 1942: The failure of Cripps Mission led to acute discontent in India. It exposed the intentions of the British rulers. On August 8, 1942 the All India Congress Committee passed the famous Quit India Resolution. It also stressed the need for immediate ending of British rule in the country and sanctioned “the starting of mass struggle on non-violent lines on the widest possible scale.” The Government reacted by immediately arresting all the members of the Congress Working Committee along with Mahatma Gandhi. These arrests created a sensation in the country. A great revolutionary upsurge was witnessed throughout the length and breadth of the country. The Government set in motion its entire repressive machinery to suppress the rebellion. Thousands were shot dead. Wholesale arrests were made. Jails were packed to capacity. There was a lull over the political scene for about three years.
The Wavell Plan and the Simla Conference of 1945: Another abortive effort to solve the political deadlock in India was made in 1945. Lord Wavell invited the leaders of all section of political opinion. A conference was held at Simla. Discussions went on for about one month. The Wavell Plan in its essence was the complete Indianisation of the Executive Council. The Caste Hindus and the Muslims were to be represented on it on the basis of parity. Mahatma Gandhi resented the use of words ‘caste Hindus’. The Muslim League clamored for having the representation of the Muslim members in the Council. The Congress, being a national organization, insisted on the nomination of its representatives from all the communities. The Conference met with failure because neither the Congress nor the League was prepared to deviate from the stand taken by them.
The Cabinet Mission: The war with Japan came to an end on 14th August, 1945. General elections were held in the United Kingdom. As a result of these elections, the Labour party came into power. The Labour Party wanted to transfer power to the Indians as a matter of political expediency. A mission consisting of three Cabinet Ministers was, therefore, sent over to India to resolve the political deadlock. The Mission reached New Delhi on March 24, 1946. The Cabinet Ministers along with Lord Wavell started exploratory talks with the Indian leaders. The two major political parties, i.e., the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League failed to arrive at an agreement on fundamental constitutional issues. The delegation put forward its own plan to solve the problem. The plan was embodied in a joint statement issued by the Governor General that was what came to be known as the Cabinet Mission of 16th May, 1946. The Plan may be summarized as follows:
1. It proposed a federal polity comprising British India and the native States. The Union Government was to deal with only three subjects, viz., Foreign Affairs, Defence and Communications.
2. The Union Government was to have a Legislature constituted from British Indian Provinces. All communal issues were to be decided by a majority of the community affected.
3. All subjects other than the Union subjects and their residuary powers were to be vested in the Provinces.
4. Provinces were to be divided into three groups. Group ‘A’ was to consist of the six Hindu majority provinces. Group ‘B’ and ‘C’ were to consist of the Muslim Majority Provinces. The Punjab, Sindh and the N.W.F.P. were to constitute Group ‘B’.
Apart from the above proposals, a plan for an Interim Government was also envisaged in the statement. The Governor General’s Executive was to be reconstituted by including the representatives of the major political parties.
At first plan was agreed to both by the Congress and the League. But later on the Muslim League decided to boycott it. The League asserted that the formation of provincial groups was compulsory and not optional.
The Framing of India’s Constitution:
The Constituent Assembly: Elections to the ‘Central and Provincial Legislatures were held in 1946. The Congress captured an overwhelming majority of seats from the general constituencies whereas the Leagues captured a thumping majority of seats from the Muslim constituencies. Elections to the Constituent Assembly were also held. An Interim Government was formed on September 2, 1946. The League at first refused to join it but later on it did so. It, however, continued to boycott the Constituent Assembly.
Nevertheless, the Constituent Assembly minus the Muslim League members held its sitting on December 9, 1946. There was again a great political stalemate.
Statement of February 10, 1947: A ticklish situation was created due to the Muslim League’s participation in the Interim Government and non-participation in the Constituent Assembly. An attempt to establish the practice of collective responsibility in the Interim Government failed on account of the hostile attitude of the Muslim League. Ultimately the Muslim League withdrew from the Interim Government and demanded dissolution of the Constituent of all sections of Indian people. It was on February 20, 1947 that British Prime Minister, Lord Attlee, announced that the British Government was determined to transfer power to responsible Indian hands and fixed June 1948 as the final date for the purpose. If within that period Indian leadership would fail to produce an agreed solution, the Britishers would not stay in after that date and would hand over power to one or more than one government. For the purpose of taking necessary steps for transfer of power, the appointment of Lord Wavell was terminated and in his place Lord Mountbatten was appointed as the succeeding and last viceroy of India.
Communal Riots: In the meanwhile in July 1946, the Muslim League resorted to Direct Action for achievement of a separate state for Indian Muslims, i.e., Pakistan. This resulted in communal riots on an unprecedented scale. Hooliganism and communal hatred spread like wild fire. Thousands, of innocent people belonging to both communities were stabbed and put to death. The entire country was caught in the grip of communal frenzy of the worst order. There was untold loss of life and property.
The Mountbatten Plan of June 1947: Lord Mountbatten started explanatory talks with leaders of the Congress and the League. Both the parties were agreed to part company. Creation of Pakistan was assented to. It was on the 25th June, 1947, that Lord Mountbatten made an announcement of the agreed plan. India was to be partitioned into Hindu and Muslim majority areas. Punjab and Bengal were to be partitioned. People of the N.W.F.P. and the Sylhet district of Assam were given the right to decide through plebiscite whether they wished to join Pakistan or India. Boundary Commissions were to be set up for partitioning the provinces concerned.
The old Constituent Assembly minus the Muslim League members was to carry on its work of framing the Constitution of India and Pakistan was to have a separate Constituent Assembly. The 15th August, 1947, instead of June1948, was fixed as the final date for transfer of power.
The Indian Independence Act: A Bill containing the main proposals of the Mountbatten Plan of June 3, 1947 was introduced in the British Parliament on 3rd July 1947. It was hurriedly passed by the British Parliament in a few days time. The Act sought to set up two Dominions, the Indian Union and Pakistan. The new dominions of India and Pakistan came into being on August 15, 1947 ending en era of centuries old slavery to British imperialism.
The setting up of India’s Constituent Assembly:
The demand for the establishment of a Constituent Assembly was first embodied in a resolution of the Indian National Congress passed at its Faizpur Session on December 8, 1936. The same demand was further raised by the Provincial Legislatures where the Congress had a majority. But this was all one sided. The British rulers were not yet prepared to entertain in the demand. It was during World War II and under the stress of international conditions that Sir Stafford Cripps was sent over to India to win over the support of the Indian political leaders. The proposals of Sir Stafford Cripps contained provisions for setting up a body for preparing the Constitution of India after the termination of the War. The proposals of Sir Stafford Cripps were not accepted by the Indian political parties. Later, in 1946, the Cabinet Mission came over to India and put up a proposal for the setting up of a Constituent Assembly. The proposals were accepted by the major political parties in India, members of the Constituent Assembly were elected on communal basis indirectly by members of the Provincial legislatures through the method of proportional representation and single transferable vote. The seats were allotted to the various provinces and communities. The Constituent Assembly was thus created. It had 389 members in all, including 93 representatives of the Indian States.
Ist Meeting: The first meeting of the Constituent Assembly was held on 9th December, 1946 under the Chairmanship of Dr. Satchidanand Sinha, the eldest member of the Assembly. On December 11, Dr. Rajendra Prasad was elected its permanent Chairman. The Muslim League boycotted it. The work of the Constituent Assembly was seriously handicapped. It held several sittings but the work of Constitution making made little headway. The situation in the country deteriorated seriously. Communal riots broke out throughout the length and breadth of the country and the while situation culminated in the sad partition of the country in accordance with the Mountbatten Plan of June 3, 1947.
The Constitution Assembly minus the Muslim League members restarted the work. The Constituent Assembly of India then consisted of about 300, EXACTLY 299 members including the representatives of the States acceding to India.
The Constituent Assembly was established in 1946; according to the Cabinet Mission Plan and then was not a sovereign body. Its authority was limited both in respect of the basic principles and procedure. According to the Indian Independence Act of 1947, the Constituent Assembly became a sovereign body and all other limitations imposed upon it under the Cabinet Mission Plan were lifted.
The method which the Constituent Assembly adopted was to lay down first its objectives. This was done in the form of an Objectives Resolution moved by Pandit Jawahar Lal on December 13, 1946. The resolution was, however, adopted by the Assembly on January 22, 1947. The Objectives Resolution proposed the establishment of a Sovereign Republic in India, granting of fundamental Rights, safeguards for minorities and backward classes etc. On August 29, 1947, the Assembly set up a Drafting Committee to prepare a draft constitution. The Drafting Committee consisted of eminent constitutionalists like Dr. B.R. Ambedkar (Chairman), Sir Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar, Shri N. Gopalswami, Ayyangar, Syed Mohammed Saadullah, Shri T.T. Krishnamachari, Shri K.M. Munshi etc.
Dr. Rajendra Prasad was elected President of the Assembly.
The Constituent Assembly took 2 years, 11 months and 11 days to complete its work. It concluded its work on the 26th November, 1949 when the Constitution was signed at an impressive ceremony. Some provisions of the Constitution like citizenship, elections, etc. were brought into operation at once but the rest of the Constitution came into force on the 26th January, 1950 on the Independence Day Anniversary. The original Constitution is a voluminous document containing 395 articles and 8 schedules. A number of other Articles and Schedules have been added by some constitutional amendments made thereto after its promulgation.
Composition of the Constituent Assembly: As has been pointed out, the constituent Assembly of India was elected according to the Cabinet Mission Plan of May 16, 1946. The Legislative Assemblies elected during January-April, 1946 served as electing bodies. The elections were held on the basis of communal representation. The total number of seats for which elections were held was fixed at 296 out of which 210 were general seats, 78 Muslims seats, 4 seats for Sikhs, 3 seats were allocated for Chief Commissioners ‘Provinces of Delhi, Coorg and Ajmer Merwara and one seat was meant for Baluchistan. Various political parties took an active interest in the elections. The break-up of seats secured by various political parties stood as follows:
Congress Party
202
Muslim League
73
Independents
7
Unionist Muslims
3
Indian Christians
2
Krishak Praja Muslim
1
Scheduled Castes Federation
Hindu Mahasabha
Communists
Total
292
Initially the Sikhs refused to contest elections for the Constituent Assembly on the ground that the Cabinet Mission included the predominantly Sikh areas in the ‘Group B’ consisting of Muslim majority areas. It was much later that the Sikhs joined both the constituent Assembly as also the Indian Government.
While the future of British India had been decided, the position of native states ruled over by the Maharajas, Rajas and Nawabs was still unsettled. The number of these states in India alone was 502. These states excluding Jammu and Kashmir covered a vast territory of about 5, 00,000 square miles and had a population of about 86.5 million. The Cabinet Mission had assured the Indian princes on May 12, 1946, that after the transfer of power to the Indian Government, the rulers of native states could declare themselves independent and decide their own future. Taking full advantage of this assurance, the rulers of some of the states adopted a bargaining attitude. They presented all kinds of excuses, and laid down all sorts of terms and conditions. Finally, it was agreed upon to include 93 members in the Constituent Assembly as the representatives of the native states.
Membership of the Constituent Assembly had to be changed according to the Mountbatten Plan of June 3, 1947. According to this Plan, India was to be partitioned into Bharat and Pakistan. The total strength of the Constituent Assembly of India had to be reduced from 389 to 324. The total of 296 seats of British India, were reduced to 235 and representation of states was reduced from 93 to 89.
Membership of British Indian Provinces was apportioned as below:
Province
General
Sikhs
Muslims
1.
Madras
45
-
4
49
2.
Bombay
19
21
3.
West Bengal
16
5
4.
United Provinces
47
8
55
5.
East Punjab
12
6.
Central Provinces
17
7.
Assam
9
8.
Orissa
Chief Commissioners Provinces
Delhi
Ajmer Merwara
Coorg
Representatives of Native States
Hyderabad
Mysore
Kashmir
Cooch-Bihar
Tripura, Manipur and Khasi Hills States
States of United Provinces
States of Orissa
States of Central India and Berar
States of Madras
States of Bombay
Himachal and Bilaspur
Kathiawad States
Rajputana States
States of Vindhya Pradesh
Gwalior and Malwa States
Patiala and East Punjab States
Travancore and Cochin
Kachh
Bhopal and Junagarh
89
Representative Character of the Constituent Assembly: Although the Constituent Assembly enjoyed the confidence of a vast majority of people of India, yet some uncharitable critics dubbed as it as the most unrepresentative Con’sembly ever created in any democratic countries of the world. British leaders like Churchill and Lord Simon named it as a Hindu Body representing the interest of the Hindus alone. Dr. Rajendra Prasad condemned this charge as baseless and irrational. He pointed out that except the representatives of the Muslim League, the Constituent Assembly of India represented all the communities and interests. As such, it was a thoroughly body reflecting the will and aspiration of an overwhelming majority of Indian people.
The second charge generally leveled against the Constituent Assembly was that it had not been directly elected by the people on the basis of universal adult franchise. As such, it did not reflect the aspirations of the masses. Socialist and communist leaders of India attacked the unrepresentative character of the Constituent Assembly on this account. Leaders of the Congress Party while refuting this criticism pointed out that the election of a new Constituent Assembly on the basis of universal adult franchise would have been an uphill task under the special circumstances created by the partition of the country. Otherwise too, preparation of electoral rolls and holding of national elections in a big country like India was an impossible task. Any delay in framing a suitable Constitution of India would have created unformidable problem for new India. It was further pointed out that even if there had been direct elections, the result would have been the same. The same persons who happened to the members of the Constituent Assembly would have been elected by an overwhelming majority. The general composition of the Con’sembly would not have changed much.
Still another criticism of the composition of the Constituent Assembly was that it was dominated by the striking majority of the Congress Party. As such it did not represent all the communities, interests and classes. The supporters of the Con’sembly while rebutting this criticism pointed out that the Congress was the only national forum and platform which represented all shades of public opinion. It was an organization which represented not only Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Harijans, etc. but also the industrialists, workers, middle class, businessmen and other economic interests. Moreover, the Congress Party gave party ticket for election to the Constituent Assembly to eminent personalities like Gopalaswami Iyenger, Alladi Krishnaswami, Dr. Radhakrishanan, H.C. Mukherji, H.N. Kunzru and many others. Besides, the Drafting Committee of the Constitution consisted of non Congress members barring K.M. Munshi. The Chairman of the Drafting Committee was Dr. B.R. Ambedkar who was a strong consideration of the Congress Party. The other Committees constituted for consideration of the various aspects of the Constitution were also dominated by non-Congressmen.
The representative character of the Constituent Assembly is further proved by the fact that it included almost all the prominent leaders of major political parties of India. Dr. Ambedkar represented the depressed classes. Hansa Mehta represented the All India Women Conference. The landlords of India were represented by Maharaja of Darbhanga. The Hindu Mahasabha was represented by Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukerji. Frank Anthony represented the Anglo-Indians. Indian Christians were represented by H.C. Mukherji. So was the case with the Sikhs and the Muslims.
Apart from this, although the Congress Party had an impressive majority in the Constituent Assembly yet it did not assert itself beyond and reasonable limits. Members of the Assembly were given full opportunity to express themselves. The debates were free and frank. Almost all the decisions were taken by a unanimous vote. Rarely, there was a note of dissent.
All said and done, the fact remains that the Constituent Assembly was guided and directed by the top leaders of the Congress. Stalwarts like Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. Dr. Ranejdra Prasad, Sardar Vallabhabhai Patel, Maulana Azad, K.M. Munshi and others dominated the national life. Moreover, the Congress Party itself was under the influence of the industrialists and the capitalists. The basic framework of the Constitution was so designed as to allow full opportunity for the growth of Industrial Capitalism in India.
Workers and peasants did not have any representation whatever. Their interests were, therefore, liable to be ignored. For the first 20 years of the working of the Constitution, nothing tangible could be done to ameliorate the condition of the masses. It was on account of the rigid framework of the Constitution, that there was perpetual confrontation between the Executive and the Legislative wings of the Government on the one hand and the judicial wing on the other. It was only after 1969, that national politics took a crucial turn. There was a split in the Congress. The New Congress under the leadership of Smt. Indira Gandhi launched a vigorous programme for effecting fundamental changes in the basic framework of the common people. A series of amendments were made with a view to making the Constitution an instrument of socio-economic transformation.
By: Parveen Bansal ProfileResourcesReport error
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