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In every society, some people have a greater share of valued resources – money, property, education, health, and power – than others. These social resources can be divided into three forms of capital – economic capital in the form of material assets and income; cultural capital such as educational qualifications and status; and social capital in the form of networks of contacts and social associations. Often, these three forms of capital overlap and one can be converted into the other. For example, a person from a well-off family (economic capital) can afford expensive higher education, and so can acquire cultural or educational capital. Someone with influential relatives and friends (social capital) may – through access to good advice, recommendations or information – manage to get a well-paid job. Patterns of unequal access to social resources are commonly called social inequality. Some social inequality reflects innate differences between individuals for example, their varying abilities and effort to achieve their wealth and status. However, by and large, social inequality is not the outcome of innate or natural’ differences between people, but is produced by the society in which they live. Term social stratification refer to a system by which categories of people in a society are ranked in a hierarchy. This hierarchy then shapes people’s identity and experiences, their relations with others, as well as their access to resources and opportunities.
• Social stratification is a characteristic of society, not simply a function of individual differences. Social stratification is a society-wide system that unequally distributes social resources among categories of people. • Social stratification persists over generations. It is closely linked to the family and to the inheritance of social resources from one generation to the next. A person’s social position is ascribed. That is, children assume the social positions of their parents. Within the caste system, birth dictates occupational opportunities. A Dalit is likely to be confined to traditional occupations such as agricultural labour, scavenging, or leather work, with little chance of being able to get high-paying white-collar or professional work. The ascribed aspect of social inequality is reinforced by the practice of endogamy. That is, marriage is usually restricted to members of the same caste, ruling out the potential for blurring caste lines through intermarriage. • Social stratification is supported by patterns of belief, or ideology. No system of social stratification is likely to persist over generations unless it is widely viewed as being either fair or inevitable. The caste system, for example, is justified in terms of the opposition of purity and pollution, with the Brahmins designated as the most superior (pure) and Dalits as the most inferior (polluted) by virtue of their birth and occupation. Not everyone, though, thinks of a system of inequality as legitimate. Typically, people with the greatest social privileges express the strongest support for systems of stratification such as caste and race. Those who have experienced the exploitation and humiliation of being at the bottom of the hierarchy are most likely to challenge it.
Prejudices refer to pre-conceived opinions or attitudes held by members of one group towards another. The word literally means ‘pre-judgement’, that is, an opinion formed in advance of any familiarity with the subject, before considering any available evidence. A prejudiced person’s preconceived views are often based on hearsay rather than on direct evidence, and are resistant to change even in the face of new information. Prejudice may be either positive or negative. Although the word is generally used for negative pre-judgements, it can also apply to favourable pre-judgement. For example, a person may be prejudiced in favour of members of his/her own caste or group and – without any evidence – believe them to be superior to members of other castes or groups. Prejudices are often grounded in stereotypes, fixed and inflexible characterisations of a group of people. Stereotypes are often applied to ethnic and racial groups and to women. In a country such as India, which was colonized for a long time, many of these stereotypes are partly colonial creations. Some communities were characterised as ‘martial races’, some others as effeminate or cowardly, yet others as untrustworthy. In both English and Indian fictional writings we often encounter an entire group of people classified as ‘lazy’ or ‘cunning’. It may indeed be true that some individuals are sometimes lazy or cunning, brave or cowardly. But such a general statement is true of individuals in every group. Even for such individuals, it is not true all the time – the same individual may be both lazy and hardworking at different times. Stereotypes fix whole groups into single, homogenous categories; they refuse to recognise the variation across individuals and across contexts or across time. They treat an entire community as though it were a single person with a single all-encompassing trait or characteristic. If prejudice describes attitudes and opinions, discrimination refers to actual behaviour towards another group or individual. Discrimination can be seen in practices that disqualify members of one group from opportunities open to others, as when a person is refused a job because of their gender or religion. Discrimination can be very hard to prove because it may not be open or explicitly stated. Discriminatory behaviour or practices may be presented as motivated by other, more justifiable, reasons rather than prejudice. For example, the person who is refused a job because of their caste may be told that they were less qualified than others, and that the selection was done purely on merit .
• Social justice is based on the values of fairness, equality, respect for diversity, access to social protection, and the application of human rights in all spheres of life, including in the workplace. • It is an underlying principle for peaceful and prosperous coexistence within and among nations. • The principles of social justice are upheld when we promote gender equality or the rights of indigenous peoples and migrants. • Social Justice is advanced when we remove barriers that people face because of gender, age, race, ethnicity, religion, culture or disability. • 20th February is proclaimed as the World Day of Social Justice by the United Nations General Assembly.
The caste system is a distinct Indian social institution that legitimises and enforces practices of discrimination against people born into particular castes. These practices of discrimination are humiliating, exclusionary and exploitative. Historically, the caste system classified people by their occupation and status. Every caste was associated with an occupation, which meant that persons born into a particular caste were also ‘born into’ the occupation associated with their caste – they had no choice. Moreover, and perhaps more importantly, each caste also had a specific place in the hierarchy of social status, so that, roughly speaking, not only were occupational categories ranked by social status, but there could be a further ranking within each broad occupational category. In strict scriptural terms, social and economic status were supposed to be sharply separated. For example, the ritually highest caste – the Brahmins – were not supposed to amass wealth, and were subordinated to the secular power of kings and rulers belonging to the Kshatriya castes. On the other hand, despite having the highest secular status and power, the king was subordinated to the Brahmin in the ritual-religious sphere. However, in actual historical practice economic and social status tended to coincide. There was thus a fairly close correlation between social (i.e. caste) status and economic status – the ‘high’ castes were almost invariably of high economic status, while the ‘low’ castes were almost always of low economic status. In modern times, and particularly since the nineteenth century, the link between caste and occupation has become much less rigid. Ritual-religious prohibitions on occupational change are not easily imposed today, and it is easier than before to change one’s occupation. Moreover, compared to a hundred or fifty years ago, the correlation between caste and economic status is also weaker – rich and poor people are to be found in every caste. But – and this is the key point – the caste-class correlation is still remarkably stable at the macro level. As the system has become less rigid, the distinctions between castes of broadly similar social and economic status have weakened. Yet, between different socio-economic groupings, the distinctions continue to be maintained. Although things have certainly changed, they have not changed much at the macro level – it is still true that the privileged (and high economic status) sections of society tend to be overwhelmingly ‘upper’ caste while the disadvantaged (and low economic status) sections are dominated by the so called ‘lower’ castes.
Untouchability’ is an extreme and particularly vicious aspect of the caste system that prescribes stringent social sanctions against members of castes located at the bottom of the purity-pollution scale. Strictly speaking, the ‘untouchable’ castes are outside the caste hierarchy – they are considered to be so ‘impure’ that their mere touch severely pollutes members of all other castes, bringing terrible punishment for the former and forcing the latter to perform elaborate purification rituals. In fact, notions of ‘distance pollution’ existed in many regions of India (particularly in the south) such that even the mere presence or the shadow of an ‘untouchable’ person is considered polluting. Despite the limited literal meaning of the word, the institution of ‘untouchability’ refers not just to the avoidance or prohibition of physical contact but to a much broader set of social sanctions. It is important to emphasise that the three main dimensions of untouchability – namely, exclusion, humiliation-subordination and exploitation – are all equally important in defining the phenomenon. Although other (i.e., ‘touchable’) low castes are also subjected to subordination and exploitation to some degree, they do not suffer the extreme forms of exclusion reserved for ‘untouchables.’ Dalits experience forms of exclusion that are unique and not practised against other groups – for instance, being prohibited from sharing drinking water sources or participating in collective religious worship, social ceremonies and festivals. At the same time, untouchability may also involve forced inclusion in a subordinated role, such as being compelled to play the drums at a religious event. The performance of publicly visible acts of (self-)humiliation and subordination is an important part of the practice of untouchability. Common instances include the imposition of gestures of deference (such as taking off headgear, carrying footwear in the hand, standing with bowed head, not wearing clean or ‘bright’ clothes, and so on) as well as routinised abuse and humiliation. Moreover, untouchability is almost always associated with economic exploitation of various kinds, most commonly through the imposition of forced, unpaid (or under-paid) labour, or the confiscation of property. Finally, untouchability is a pan-Indian phenomenon, although its specific forms and intensity vary considerably across regions and socio-historical contexts. The so-called ‘untouchables’ have been referred to collectively by many names over the centuries. Whatever the specific etymology of these names, they are all derogatory and carry a strongly pejorative charge. In fact, many of them continue to be used as forms of abuse even today, although their use is now a criminal offence. Mahatma Gandhi had popularised the term ‘Harijan’ (literally, children of God) in the 1930s to counter the pejorative charge carried by caste names. However, the ex-untouchable communities and their leaders have coined another term, ‘Dalit’, which is now the generally accepted term for referring to these groups. In Indian languages, the term Dalit literally means ‘downtrodden’ and conveys the sense of an oppressed people. Though it was neither coined by Dr. Ambedkar nor frequently used by him, the term certainly resonates with his philosophy and the movement for empowerment that he led. It received wide currency during the caste riots in Mumbai in the early 1970s. The Dalit Panthers, a radical group that emerged in western India during that time, used the term to assert their identity as part of their struggle for rights and dignity.
Dalits: Problems and Remedies
The reports of the National Commission on Scheduled Castes have been regularly reporting an increase in the number of crimes against the Scheduled Castes. Most of the SC women are the victims of rape by upper caste men. The SC men on the other hand are exploited by upper castes by usurping their lands, giving them low wages, using them as bonded labourer, and so forth. For checking this exploitation, a set of comprehensive guidelines covering preventive measures have been formulated and communicated by the Central Government to the states for necessary action. Some of the measures taken by the states in this connection are: 1. Gearing up machinery for apprising the government of disputes of land, wages concerning the Scheduled Castes. 2. Helping the Scheduled Castes in getting possession of lands belonging to them or allotted to them. 3. Specially instructing police authorities to intervene in instances of criminal trespass into lands belonging to Scheduled Castes. The police is instructed to treat cases of crimes against Scheduled Castes as special report cases and arrange for quick trial and prosecution. 4. Helping agricultural labourers in getting statutory minimum wages. 5. Setting up special courts for ensuring quick disposal of cases pertaining to Scheduled Castes. 6. Instructing officers to spend a part of their time, when on a tour, in residential areas of Scheduled Castes. 7. Setting up special Scheduled Caste Cells under DIG Police to ensure crimes against Scheduled Castes are properly registered, promptly investigated and expeditiously prosecuted.
Like the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes are social groups recognised by the Indian Constitution as specially marked by poverty, powerlessness and social stigma. The jana or tribes were believed to be ‘people of the forest’ whose distinctive habitat in the hill and forest areas shaped their economic, social and political attributes. In the case of adivasis, the movement of populations from one area to another further complicates the picture. Today, barring the North-Eastern states, there are no areas of the country that are inhabited exclusively by tribal people; there are only areas of tribal concentration. Since the middle of the nineteenth century, non-tribals have moved into the tribal districts of central India, while tribal people from the same districts have migrated to plantations, mines, factories and other places of employment. In the areas where tribal populations are concentrated, their economic and social conditions are usually much worse than those of non-tribals. The impoverished and exploited circumstances under which adivasis live can be traced historically to the pattern of accelerated resource extraction started by the colonial British government and continued by the government of independent India. From the late nineteenth century onwards, the colonial government reserved most forest tracts for its own use, severing the rights that adivasis had long exercised to use the forest for gathering produce and for shifting cultivation. Forests were now to be protected for maximising timber production. With this policy, the mainstay of their livelihoods was taken away from adivasis, rendering their lives poorer and more insecure. Denied access to forests and land for cultivation, adivasis were forced to either use the forests illegally (and be harassed and prosecuted as ‘encroachers’ and thieves) or migrate in search of wage labour. The Independence of India in 1947 should have made life easier for adivasis but this was not the case. Firstly, the government monopoly over forests continued. If anything, the exploitation of forests accelerated. Secondly, the policy of capital-intensive industrialisation adopted by the Indian government required mineral resources and power-generation capacities which were concentrated in Adivasi areas. Adivasi lands were rapidly acquired for new mining and dam projects. In the process, millions of adivasis were displaced without any appropriate compensation or rehabilitation. Justified in the name of ‘national development’ and ‘economic growth’, these policies were also a form of internal colonialism, subjugating adivasis and alienating the resources upon which they depended. Projects such as the Sardar Sarovar dam on the river Narmada in western India and the Polavaram dam on the river Godavari in Andhra Pradesh will displace hundreds of thousands of adivasis, driving them to greater destitution. These processes continue to prevail and have become even more powerful since the 1990s when economic liberalisation policies were officially adopted by the Indian government. It is now easier for corporate firms to acquire large areas of land by displacing adivasis. Like the term Dalit, the term Adivasi connotes political awareness and the assertion of rights. Literally meaning ‘original inhabitants’, the term was coined in the 1930s as part of the struggle against the intrusion by the colonial government and outside settlers and moneylenders. Being Adivasi is about shared experiences of the loss of forests, the alienation of land, repeated displacements since Independence in the name of ‘development projects’ and much more. In spite of the heavy odds against them and in the face of their marginalization many tribal groups have been waging struggles against outsiders (called ‘dikus’) and the state. In post-Independence India, the most significant achievements of Adivasi movements include the attainment of statehood for Jharkhand and Chattisgarh, which were originally part of Bihar and Madhya Pradesh respectively. In this respect adivasis and their struggles are different from the Dalit struggle because, unlike Dalits, adivasis were concentrated in contiguous areas and could demand states of their own.
The Scheduled Tribes are notified in 30 States/UTs and the number of individual ethnic groups, etc. notified as Scheduled Tribes is 705. The tribal population of the country, as per 2011 census, is 10.43 crore, constituting 8.6% of the total population, 89.97% of them live in rural areas and 10.03% in urban areas. The decadal population growth of the tribal’s from Census 2001 to 2011 has been 23.66% against the 17.69% of the entire population. The sex ratio for the overall population is 943 females per 1000 males and that of Scheduled Tribes 990 females per thousand males. Broadly the STs inhabit two distinct geographical area – the Central India and the North- Eastern Area. More than half of the Scheduled Tribe population is concentrated in Central India, i.e., Madhya Pradesh (14.69%), Chhattisgarh (7.5%), Jharkhand (8.29%), Andhra Pradesh (5.7%), Maharashtra (10.08%), Orissa (9.2%), Gujarat (8.55%) and Rajasthan (8.86%). The other distinct area is the North East (Assam, Nagaland, Mizoram, Manipur, Meghalaya, Tripura, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh). There is no ST population in 3 States (Delhi NCR, Punjab and Haryana) and 2 UTs (Puducherry and Chandigarh), as no Scheduled Tribe is notified in these areas. The Main Problems the Tribals face are:
They possess uneconomic holdings because of which their crop yield is less and hence they remain chronically indebted. Only a small percentage of the population participates in occupational activities in the secondary and tertiary sectors. A good portion of the land in tribal areas has been legally transferred to non-tribals. Tribals demand that this and should be returned to them. In fact, the tribals had earlier enjoyed much freedom to use the forest and hunt their animals. Forests not only provide them materials to build their homes but also give them fuel, herbal medicines for curing diseases, fruits, etc. Their religion makes them believe that many of their spirit live in trees and forests. Their folk tales often speak about the relations of human beings and the spirit. Because of such physical and emotional attachment to forest, the tribals have reacted sharply to restrictions imposed by the government on their traditional rights. Banking facilities in the tribal areas are so inadequate that the tribals have mainly to depend on the money-lenders. A good number of tribals are engaged in cultivation and most of them are landless and practice shifting cultivation. They need to be helped in adopting new methods of cultivation.
Most of the tribals live in sparsely populated hills and communication in the tribal areas remains tough. In short, the main problems of the tribals are poverty, indebtedness, illiteracy, bondage, exploitation, disease and unemployment.
Untouchability was the most visible and comprehensive form of social discrimination. However, there were a large group of castes that were of low status and were also subjected to varying levels of discrimination short of untouchability. These were the service and artisanal castes who occupied the lower rungs of the caste hierarchy. The Constitution of India recognises the possibility that there may be groups other than the Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes who suffer from social disadvantages. These groups – which need not be based on caste alone, but generally are identified by caste – were described as the ‘socially and educationally backward classes’. This is the constitutional basis of the popular term ‘Other Backward Classes’ (OBCs), which is in common use today. Like the category of the ‘tribe’, the OBCs are defined negatively, by what they are not. They are neither part of the ‘forward’ castes at the upper end of the status spectrum, nor of the Dalits at the lower end. But since caste has entered all the major Indian religions and is not confined to Hinduism alone, there are also members of other religions who belong to the backward castes and share the same traditional occupational identification and similar or worse socio-economic status.For these reasons, the OBCs are a much more diverse group than the Dalits or adivasis. The first government of independent India under Jawaharlal Nehru appointed a commission to look into measures for the welfare of the OBCs. The First Backward Classes Commission headed by Kaka Kalelkar submitted its report in 1953. But the political climate at the time led to the report being sidelined. From the mid-fifties, the OBC issue became a regional affair pursued at the state rather than the central level.
The southern states had a long history of backward caste political agitation that had started in the early twentieth century. Because of these powerful social movements, policies to address the problems of the OBCs were in place long before they were discussed in most northern states. The OBC issue returned to the central level in the late 1970s after the Emergency when the Janata Party came to power. The Second Backward Classes Commission headed by B.P. Mandal was appointed at this time. However, it was only in 1990, when the central government decided to implement the ten-year old Mandal Commission report, that the OBC issue became a major one in national politics.Since the 1990s we have seen the resurgence of lower caste movements in north India, among both the OBCs and Dalits. The politicisation of the OBCs allows them to convert their large numbers – recent surveys show that they are about 41% of the national population – into political influence. This was not possible at the national level before, as shown by the sidelining of the Kalelkar Commission report, and the neglect of the Mandal Commission report. The large disparities between the upper OBCs (who are largely landed castes and enjoy dominance in rural society in many regions of India) and the lower OBCs (who are very poor and disadvantaged, and are often not very different from Dalits in socio-economic terms) make this a difficult political category to work with. However, the OBCs are severely under-represented in all spheres except landholding and political representation (they have a large number of MLAs and MPs). Although the upper OBCs are dominant in the rural sector, the situation of urban OBCs is much worse, being much closer to that of the Scheduled Castes and Tribes than to the upper castes.
The reservation for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes was provided in the Indian Constitution framed after Independence but the reservation for other backward castes/classes was announced by the Janata Dal government only on August 7, 1990. As many as 27% were proposed to be reserved for 3,742 other backward castes/classes. This was done in acccordance with implementing the Mandal Commission's Report. This Commission submitted its report on December 31, 1980. What were the criteria used by the Mandal Commission for identifying a specific caste/class as 'backward'? The Commission used three indicators: social, educational and economic. With regards to social indicators there were four criteria, in the educational indicators there were three criteria, and in the economic indicators there were four criteria. Thus, in all, there were 11 indicators. The four social indicators were: (i) Castes/classes which are considered as socially backward by others, (ii) Castes/classes which mainly depend on manual labour for their livelihood, (iii) Castes/classes where at least 25% females and 10% males above the state average get married at 17 years in rural areas and at least 10% females and 5% males do so in the urban areas, and (iv) Castes/classes where participation of females in work is at least 25% above the state average. The three educational indicators were: (i) Castes/classes where the number of children in the age group of 5-15 years who never attended school is at least 25% above the state average, (ii) Castes/classes where the rate of student drop-outs in the age group of 5-15 years is at least 25% above the state average, and (iii) Castes/classes amongst whom the proportion of non-matriculates is at least 25% above the state average. The four economic indicators were: (i) Castes/classes where the average value of family assets is at least 25% below the state average, (ii) Castes/classes where the number of families living in kutcha houses is at least 25% above the state average, (iii) Castes/classes where the source of drinking water is beyond half a kilometre for more than 50% of households, and (iv) Castes/classes where the number of households having taken loan is at least 25% above the state average. The social indicators were given a weightage of three points, the educational indicators two points and the economic indicators were accorded one point. The total value was 22 points. Castes which secured the 50%, that is, 11 points or above, were listed as 'backward'.
Now that we have developed an understanding of social inequality and see how prevalent it has been in the Indian society, it is time to turn our gaze towards the measures taken for promoting social justice in India. In this part, we will look at the various constitutional, statutory and developmental measures taken by the State for the upliftment of the marginalised sections of the Indian society.
The Indian state has had special programmes for the Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes since even before Independence. The ‘Schedules’ listing the castes and tribes recognised as deserving of special treatment because of the massive discrimination practiced against them were drawn up in 1935, by the British Indian government. After Independence, the same policies have been continued and many new ones added. Among the most significant additions is the extension of special programmes to the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) since the early 1990s.The most important state initiative attempting to compensate for past and present caste discrimination is the one popularly known as ‘reservations’. This involves the setting aside of some places or ‘seats’ for members of the Scheduled Castes and Tribes in different spheres of public life. These include reservation of seats in the State and Central legislatures (i.e., state assemblies, Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha); reservation of jobs in government service across all departments and public sector companies; and reservation of seats in educational institutions. The proportion of reserved seats is equal to the percentage share of the Scheduled Castes and Tribes inthe total population. But for the OBCs this proportion is decided differently. The same principle is extended to other developmental programmes of the government, some of which are exclusively for the Scheduled Castes or Tribes, while others give them preference.
The identification of the real beneficiaries is of paramount importance, for the success of any targeted approach. In line with this approach the Dr. N. C. Saxena Committee was constituted to advise on the ‘methodology for a BPL census in rural areas’. Since June 2011, for the first time, a Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) is being conducted through a comprehensive ‘door-to-door’ enumeration in both rural and urban India, authentic information is being made available on the socio-economic condition and educational status of various castes and sections through the SECC. The exercise was completed by late 2016 and presently, the errors are in the process of rectification— the reason the report of the census has not been put in the public domain yet. Once the census is fully ready, its findings are expected to be used in as guidelines in several areas such as—identifying the level of poverty, target population for the disbursal of subsidies, selection for eligibility for educational scholarships, old age pension, reorienting the existing reservation policy, better implementation (by correct identification the beneficiaries) of the MGNAREGA, National Food Security scheme, etc.
In addition to reservations, there have been a number of laws passed to end, prohibit and punish caste discrimination, specially untouchability. One of the earliest such laws was the Caste Disabilities Removal Act of 1850, which disallowed the curtailment of rights of citizens due solely to change of religion or caste. The most recent such law was the Constitution Amendment (Ninety Third Amendment) Act of 2005, which became law on 23rd January 2006. Coincidentally, both the 1850 law and the 2006 amendment related to education. The 93rd Amendment is for introducing reservation for the Other Backward Classes in institutions of higher education, while the 1850 Act was used to allow entry of Dalits to government schools. In between, there have been numerous laws, of which the important ones are, of course, the Constitution of India itself, passed in 1950; and the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act of 1989. The Constitution abolished untouchability (Article17) and introduced the reservation provisions mentioned above. The 1989 Prevention of Atrocities Act revised and strengthened the legal provisions punishing acts of violence or humiliation against Dalits and adivasis. The fact that legislation was passed repeatedly on this subject is proof of the fact that the law alone cannot end a social practice. State action alone cannot ensure social change. In any case, no social group howsoever weak or oppressed is only a victim. Human beings are always capable of organising and acting on their own – often against very heavy odds – to struggle for justice and dignity. Dalits too have been increasingly active on the political, agitational, and cultural fronts. From the pre-Independence struggles and movements launched by people like Jyotiba Phule, Iyotheedas, Periyar, Ambedkar and others to contemporary political organisations like the Bahujan Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh or the Dalit Sangharsh Samiti of Karnataka, Dalit political assertion has come a long way.
The Constitution of India aims at the establishment of a just and equitable social order. It has established the supremacy of law. It is itself a fundamental law. The Constitution is full of ideal of liberty, equality and social justice. The Constitution of Independent India made provisions for positive discrimination in favour of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SCs & STs) which constituted about 23% of the divided India’s population.The Constitution of India prescribes protection and safeguards for the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) and Other Backward Classes (OBCs) with the object of removing their social disabilities and promoting their varied interests. The main safeguards are: abolition of untouchability, protection from social injustice and various forms of exploitation, throwing open religious institutions of public character to all sections, removal of restrictions on access to shops, restaurants, wells, tanks, and roads, giving them right of admission to educational institutions and receiving grants out of state funds, permitting the state to make reservation for them in services, giving them special representation in the Lok Sabha and the State Vidhan Sabhas, setting up separate departments and advisory councils to promote their welfare and safeguard their interests, prohibition of forced labour, and making special provision for the administration and control of the scheduled areas. The constitution indeed guaranteed the fundamental right of equality of all citizens before the law but it also categorically laid down that nothing in the constitution “shall prevent the State from making any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Schedules Castes and the Scheduled Tribes”. A number of specific provisions have been incorporated in the Constitution, safeguarding specifically the social, economic educational and political rights of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
In the year 2019, there are some major developments in India with regard to ‘Reservation’. The following developments have taken place: A very important Constitutional Amendment Act, 103rd Constitutional Amendment Act to provide 10 per cent reservation in government jobs and education to economically backward section in the general category has come into force. What are the important Constitutional provisions of the Act? The Act amends Articles 15 and 16 of the Constitution, by adding a clause which allows states to make "special provision for the advancement of any EWS (Economically Weaker Sections) of citizens". The bill has inserted clause 6 in Article 15 and Article 16 of the Indian Constitution. Clause under Article 15: State can make any special provisions for the advancement of EWS citizens. This includes maximum 10% reservations in educational institutions (it also includes private educational institutions, whether aided or unaided by the state, other than the minority educational institutions). Clause under Article 16: State may make any provision for reservations for jobs in the initial appointment in Government services in favour of EWS citizens upto a maximum of 10%. These reservations are in addition to 50% already granted to SC/ST and OBCs, taking the total reservation to 60%. The Act makes a special mention of the Article 46 of the Indian Constitution: According to the objects of the Act: The Directive Principles of State Policy contained in Article 46 of the Constitution enjoins that the State shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and, in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation Economically weaker sections of citizens were not eligible for the benefit of reservation. With a view to fulfil the mandate of Article 46, and to ensure that economically weaker sections of citizens get a fair chance of receiving higher education and participation in employment in the services of the State, it has been decided to amend the Constitution of India. Who all are eligible for the quota?
The basic thrust of the Fifth and Sixth Schedule of the constitution is the protection of cultural distinctiveness of Tribals. It also provides protection to the tribals on account of their economic disadvantages so that they could maintain their tribal identity without any coercion or exploitation.
In the Article 244(1) of the Constitution, expression Scheduled Areas means such areas as the President may by order declare to be Scheduled Areas. The criteria followed for declaring an area as Scheduled Area are
These criteria are not spelt out in the Constitution of India but have become well established. Special Provisions
filled by other members of those Tribes.
The laws related to the following can be made by the regional and autonomous councils with the assent of the governor:
The territorial jurisdictions of autonomous and regional councils may or may not have village councils and courts of trials of suits to mend issues rising between tribes. Such cases can also be taken over by the High Court but only after being specified by the governor. The central and state acts do not apply to these autonomous and regional councils (unless modified and accepted.)
The tribal areas in the four states are as given below:
To fulfill the Constitutional provisions pertaining to Scheduled Castes, India has passed various laws to protect their rights these include the protections of Civil Rights (Anti-untouchability) Act (1955), the Bonded Labour (Abolition) Act (1976), the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act (1989) and Rules (1995) the Employment of Manual Scavenger and Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act (1993) and various land reform laws to redistribute community land to the landless. Finally, to monitor enforcement of some of these laws, the Central (i.e., federal) government established the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and National Commission Scheduled Tribes and the National Human Rights Commission.
The act (formally known as The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006) recognize and vest the forest rights and occupation in Forest land in forest Dwelling Scheduled Tribes (FDST) and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (OTFD) who have been residing in such forests for generations. The act also establishes the responsibilities and authority for sustainable use, conservation of biodiversity and maintenance of ecological balance of FDST and OTFD. It strengthens the conservation regime of the forests while ensuring livelihood and food security of the FDST and OTFD. It seeks to rectify colonial injustice to the FDST and OTFD who are integral to the very survival and sustainability of the forest ecosystem. The act identifies four types of rights:
It has provided that the Gram Sabha or Panchayats at appropriate level shall have the following powers:
Schemes for SCs, STs & OBCs
List of Schemes being implemented for strengthening the socio-economic and educational conditions of the Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs) and Other Backward Classes (OBCs):
Affirmative action is based on the idea that it is not sufficient to establish formal equality by law. Whenb we wish to eliminate inequalities that are deeply rooted, it is necessary to take some more positive measures to minimise and eliminate entrenched forms of social inequalities. Most policies of affirmative action are thus designed to correct the cumulative effect of past inequalities. Affirmative action can however take many forms, from preferential spending on facilities for disadvantaged communities, such as, scholarships and hostels to special consideration for admissions to educational institutions and jobs. In our country we have adopted a policy of quotas or reserved seats in education and jobs to provide equality of opportunity to deprived groups, and this has been the subject of considerable debate and disagreement. The policy has been defended on the ground that certain groups have been victims of social prejudice and discrimination in the form of exclusion and segregation. These communities who have suffered in the past and been denied equal opportunities cannot be immediately expected to compete with others on equal terms. Therefore, in the interest of creating an egalitarian and just society they need to be given special protection and help. Although policies of affirmative action are supported for making the society more equal, many theorists argue against them. They question whether treating people differently can ever lead to greater equality. Critics of positive discrimination, particularly policies of reservations, thus invoke the principle of equality to argue against such policies. They contend that any provision of reservations or quotas for the deprived in admissions for higher education or jobs is unfair as it arbitrarily denies other sections of society their right to equal treatment. They maintain that reservations are a form of reverse discrimination and they continue with the practices that the principle of equality questions and rejects. Equality requires that all persons be treated alike, and when we make distinctions between individuals on the basis of their caste or colour, we are likely to reinforce caste and racial prejudices. For these theorists, the important thing is to do away with social distinctions that divide our society. In the context of this debate, it is relevant to draw a distinction between equality as a guiding principle of state policy and equal rights of individuals. Individuals have a right to equal consideration for admission to educational institutions and public sector employment. But competition should be fair. Sometimes when competing for limited seats or jobs people from deprived strata may be at a disadvantage. The needs and circumstances of a first generation learner whose parents and ancestors were illiterate are very different from those who are born into educated families. Members of excluded groups, whether they are dalits, women, or any other category, deserve and need some special help. To provide this, the state must devise social policies which would help to make such people equal and give them a fair chance to compete with others. The Constitution of independent India made provisions for positive discrimination in favour of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SCs & STs) which constituted about 23% of the divided India’s population. Besides reserving parliamentary seats for them they were given advantages in terms of admission to schools and colleges, jobs in the public sector, various pecuniary benefits for their overall development, and so on. The constitution indeed guaranteed the fundamental right of equality of all citizens before the law but it also categorically laid down that nothing in the constitution “shall prevent the State from making any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Schedules Castes and the Scheduled Tribes”.
By: Barka Mirza ProfileResourcesReport error
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