India and Some Selected Neighbouring Countries

Pakistan It may appear that the unresolved Kashmir issue is at the core of strained relations between India and Pakistan. This is true but partly. The real problem is that there are at least four centres of power in Pakistan :

Military; ISI; civilian government and the extremist and fundamental forces. The civilian government- the only legitimate interlocutor- is the weakest link in the Pak power structure. And perhaps none of them is serious in resolving the issues. The pre-election and post election pronouncements by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharrif may have raised hopes for a possible breakthrough. It has been demonstrated by the Pakistani side once again that it would like to keep the issues alive rather than resolve them. We perhaps need to wait for yet another defining moment in our history when relations between the two countries will stand fully normalised.

Meanwhile, the problem has been further aggravated by the State sponsored/supported cross- border terrorism against India. India has shown an extra-ordinary restraint despite several terrorist attacks, particularly on Parliament and in Mumbai. India still prefers the path of dialogue over the option of direct confrontation. 

Afghanistan: The current situation in Afghanistan is a source of serious concern for India as it impinges upon its security interests. Initially India was kept out for a while when the international community was seeking a solution to the problem; India is now very much a part of global efforts for the stabilisation of Afghanistan. India believes that the reconciliation processes in Afghanistan must be Afghan-led. Bilaterally India has entered into a strategic partnership agreement with Afghanistan and has committed $ 2 bn assistance to Afghanistan for the development of its infrastructure.

As Afghanistan moves closer to multi transitions (NATO drawdown, Presidential elections, economic transition) and enters the phase of transformation decade, India’s focus on Afghanistan is becoming sharper in view of the stakes India has in Afghanistan from the perspectives of Its own security and strategic interests. India can ill-afford the return of Taliban. The emergence of a regime in Afghanistan which is a proxy of Pakistan and dominated by Islamic fundamentalists would also not be in the interests of India.

China: In terms of geographic and demographic dimensions, skilled manpower, civilizational depth, China is the only country in the region which qualifies for comparison with India.

The two countries have a long history of civilisational links. Soon after its own independence and the Maoist revolution in China, India went an extra mile to reach out to the communist regime. India was quick in recognising China, and supported its entry into the United Nations; recognized Tibet as an autonomous region of China. The 1962 border conflict therefore came as a political shock to India. While Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s landmark visit in 1988 began a phase of improvement in bilateral relations, it is the cumulative outcomes of seven key High Level visits in last 10 years which have been transformational for India-China ties. [These were that of Prime Minister Vajpayee [2003], of Premier Wen Jiabao [2005 & 2010], of President Hu Jintao [2006], of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh [2008 and 2013] and of Premier Li Keqiang [2013]. It is noteworthy that more than 60% of the agreements between India and China have been signed during the last decade. As of today, both sides have established 36 dialogue mechanisms covering diverse sectors. Bilateral trade has registered enormous growth reaching $70bn in 2011 (and may touch $100bn by 2015). The year 2014 has been designated as the Year of Friendly Exchanges between India and China. The two sides have established a Strategic and Cooperative Partnership for Peace and Prosperity (2005) The leaders of India and China have also been meeting on the sidelines of regional, and multilateral gatherings and conferences.

In the past two decades new generations have grown up both in India and China. The young Indians do not carry the burden of bitter memories of the humiliating defeat in 1962 war; they look at china as the fastest growing economy which has already displaced Japan from its second position and may one day overtake USA as well. From the Indian policy makers’ perspective, China offers opportunities as well as poses challenges.

The irritants in relations between the two countries are well known ; the border dispute between India and China remains unresolved; China’s plans to build dams on Brahamaputra or seek access to Indian ocean through Pakistan and Myanmar, "string of pearls” etc are matters of concern. In addition, the rapid economic rise of China and its military strength have given it the audacity to occasionally flex political and military muscles.

It remains to be answered precisely as to whether the modern China is an opportunity, challenge or threat? Perhaps, a mix of all three.

Sri Lanka: India has adopted a multi- pronged approach since the liquidation of the LTTE; this policy has several components: i) India misses no opportunity to impress upon the Sri Lankan Government to abide by its commitments towards Sri Lankan Tamils particularly meaningful devolution of powers and the implementation of the 13th Amendment and beyond in a time bound manner; ii) India reassure as often as possible the Sri Lankan Tamils that it will make every effort to ensure the 13thfor the community is marked by equality, justice and self-respect; iii) India continues to invest into the reconstruction of Northern Sri Lanka; iv) As far the Tamil leadership in India, the Central Government in New Delhi listens to their demands, accommodates them to the extent feasible but ultimately exercises the prerogative of the Centre in the formulation of foreign policy taking broader national interests into account rather than being pushed by narrow regional priorities; v) India is monitoring carefully the Chinese overtures in Sri Lanka and check the latter’s drift towards China. 

Global Issues

Let me now touch upon some important global issues which have engaged the attention of foreign policy makers of India in the past twenty years:

Disarmament/ Non-Proliferation Nuclear Doctrine 

Disarmament : India’s disarmament policy is directed at achieving a world free from weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear weapons; it advocates a universal, non-discriminatory disarmament in a time-bound, phased and verifiable manner; this approach is reflected in the Rajiv Gandhi Action Plan which India submitted at the UNGA in 1998.

While continuing to work for global disarmament, India has kept its nuclear options open. India has declined to put its signatures on the NPT as it considers the Treaty discriminatory and an instrument which has divided the world into two parts: the P-5s (USA, Russia, China, France UK) codified as legitimate nuclear powers, and the rest of the world which has been denied the right to develop and possess nuclear weapons. India’s refusal to subscribe to the NPT resulted in decades of isolation in the international non-proliferation community. 

India’s impeccable record as a responsible nuclear power has, however, reversed the process and India now enjoys the confidence of major international players. In this context, developments during the first decade of the 21stissues which had arisen out of India’s rejection of the NPT and development of its own nuclear weapons capabilities in defiance of international opinion, have more or less been relegated to background/resolved. Sanctions have been eased / lifted. The unflinching support from the USA and allies paved the way for the waiver by the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) in 2008 which in turn has made it possible for India to conclude civil nuclear cooperation agreements with global nuclear powers.

 On its part, India has demonstrated its unequivocal commitment to non-proliferation through a series of steps and policy shifts. It has placed selected civil nuclear facilities under IAEA safeguards, signed an Additional Protocol with IAEA, brought export control laws in lines with those of the NSG and has taken many other steps which bring most Indian policies in line with the NPT spirit without formal signing. India today is a d’facto Nuclear Power; true this is not yet formally acknowledged by the international community. There is a widespread recognition, however, of India’ impeccable record in the field of non-proliferation, in recognition of which the international community is now ready to engage India in nuclear trade.[the Nuclear Suppliers Group’s waiver was given in mid 2008). No other non-NPT signatory country has been given this privilege. And this can be considered as an outstanding achievement in the foreign policy pursuits during the past two decades.

The core element in India’s nuclear doctrine (revealed through a Government Press Release of 4th January 2003) is in building and maintaining a ‘credible minimum deterrent’. It also envisages inter-alia: i) "No First Use" i.e. nuclear weapons will only be used in retaliation against a nuclear attack on Indian territory or on Indian forces; ii) Non-use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapon states. However, in the event of a major attack against India, or Indian forces anywhere, by biological or chemical weapons, India will retain the option of retaliating with nuclear weapons.

Climate Change: India considers climate change as a global problem demanding global efforts and global solutions. India ratified the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (1993) and Kyoto Protocol (2002). India’s well articulated position is that the current state of climate change and global warming is attributable to the excess emissions of harmful gases by the developed countries during the period of industrialisation; this is often referred to as the concept of ‘historical responsibility’. India further insists that the developing countries cannot be expected to forego its developmental efforts. India subscribes to the principle of equity and ‘common but differentiated responsibility’. India would like the developed world to assist the developing countries through financial assistance and transfer of technology to meet the challenges of climate change. India does not want to be seen as an obstacle but as a part of the solution. India has thus volunteered to cut its gas emissions though it has no such obligations under the international treaties. 

Terrorism: India has been a victim of terrorism for decades; this issue has therefore engaged the attention of India’s foreign policy makers for past several decades . India has adopted a policy of zero tolerance to the scourge of terrorism and condemns it as well as religious extremism and fundamentalism in any form or manifestation. It underlines the challenge posed by terrorism to international security during bilateral meets and at regional and international fora. In 1996, India introduced at UN the Draft Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism and is now advocating its early adoption.

The progress unfortunately has been slow; meanwhile, India has accelerated its bilateral interaction and has signed extradition treaties with over 30 countries.

Global Governance: In India’s assessment the contemporary structures of global governance including UN and international financial institutions such as World Bank, IMF etc have proved inadequate in dealing with the political and economic crisis of present days and therefore the international community deserves new structures of global governance to confront cross-cutting and trans-national challenges. India seeks UN reform, including reform of UN Security Council. In recognition of India’s growing stature, several countries have explicitly endorsed India’s bid for a Permanent Seat in expanded Security Council; India’s election to Non-Permanent Seat of UNSC with overwhelming support speaks for itself. Objectively and realistically speaking it would be a long and difficult path to tread before the campaign for substantial reforms in the present structures of global governance could be attained.

Indians Abroad : There are more than 20mn Indians or persons of Indian origin living abroad all over the world. It has been the endeavour of successive Government to formulate such policies as would help derive economic and , where feasible, political benefits from their presence abroad. The welfare of overseas Indian community is now a very important element in India’s foreign policy approaches. India’s oversees Missions and Posts have been adequately equipped to handle difficult situations impinging upon the safety and security of oversees Indians; the Government of India has never been shy of intervening at the highest levels whenever the situation has so demanded. Let me now make some concluding remarks: The main objective of the foreign policy of a given country is to secure its national interests. India is no different in this regard. There is, however, a qualitative difference. It is noteworthy, that the foundations of India’s foreign policy are laid on certain core principles. These include for instance the five principles of peaceful co-existence (Panchsheel), independence of decision making, resolution of conflicts and disputes through dialogue and peaceful means, preference for constructive engagement over isolation of individual countries, support for multilateral approaches to global issues. India has followed these principles diligently and has scrupulously eschewed the philosophy of ‘ Sam Daam, Dand, Bhed’ in pursuing its foreign policy objectives. In the past two decades, these core principles have provided a great deal of continuity. While adhering to these core principles, India has continuously adapted to the changing external circumstances and shifting domestic needs. Economic dimensions are now an important element in India’s foreign policy. Currently as much as 50% of GDP is linked to foreign trade as compared to 20% in 1990s. Foreign investments, modern and advanced technology, critical raw materials, energy resources are required as important inputs for our economic development. An important objective of India’s foreign policy is thus to act as an enabler, and also to create an external environment which would be conducive for inclusive development within the country so that the benefits of growth can percolate to the poorest of the poor segments of the society.

India’s international image and Its stature as an important international player is indisputable. At the same time India is perceived by some as a soft power which prefers to punch below its weight. Well that is what India is: non-intrusive, non-prescriptive, non-interfering but firm and adamant when it comes to safeguarding its national interests. Occasional failures are bound to occur but by and large the track record of India’s foreign policy mandarins can be rated as above board.