The evolution of India’s foreign policies has passed through various phases in the course of History.

1.    Before 1947 - Pre-Independence phase

2.    1947 to 1962 - Nehruvian peace and development phase

3.    1962 to 1977 - Pro Soviet shift and Indian emergence

4.    1977 to 1990 — Relationships take off with neighbors and the west

5.    1991 to 1998 - New avenues of cooperation post cold war

6.    1998 to date — Rise to prominence on the world stage

Before 1947—Pre-Independence phase

• The Pre-independence phase of the development of the foreign policy outlook of the leadership of the Indian freedom struggle was inspired by ideals like Liberty, equality, and fraternity; derived from the intellectual discourse of Indian and western scholars.
• The Indian National Congress sent its representative Pandit Nehru to the 1927 Congress of oppressed nationalities held at Brussels and also to the comity of the League of Nations against imperialism in Cologne (Germany). Subsequently, Nehru was given the responsibility of framing the foreign policy outlook.

1947 to 1962- Nehruvian peace and development phase

• India’s vast land border and a large number of neighboring countries demanded an eclectic diplomacy mix, which India pursued proactively.
• India’s centrality in the Indian Ocean, from the Gulf of Aden to the Strait of Malacca, remained a point of reference for Nehruvian foreign policy. In order to better harness the huge military and economic advantages offered by this centrality, Nehru floated the idea of Afro-Asian solidarity.
• India’s insular location also gave Nehru leisure to concentrate on the land border rather than the sea frontier.
• Friendship treaties with Bhutan in 1949 and Nepal in 1950 were attempts to have buffer states on India’s land border.
• For developing India economically, peace was the first and foremost prerequisite. The friendship treaties with Bhutan and Nepal and the 1954 Panchsheel agreement with China were attempts to concentrate on India’s development in a peaceful neighborhood.
• China took it as an attempt by India to emerge as the dominant Afro-Asian power and continue the legacy of the dominance of Asia by British India.
• This created a rift between the two neighbors and their relations continued to go from bad to worse. It culminated in the 1962 Sino-Indian war which engendered a paradigm shift in India’s foreign policy approach.

Pro-Soviet shift and Indian emergence – 1962 to 1977

• After the demise of Lal Bahadur Shastri, Indira Gandhi took Indian foreign policy forward. In the aftermath of the 1965 war with Pakistan, censure from the US came in the form of discontinuation of food aid because the US intended to attach strings to India which the Indian government was unwilling to comply with. In response to the serious threat of food scarcity, India expedited the efforts towards increasing food production by launching Green Revolution. In the longer run, the subsidized food imports from the US, which have stymied local food production in many third-world countries by rendering local farming economically much less viable, were obviated. It proved to be a blessing in disguise for India, as it became self-sufficient in food production within a decade of the launch of the green revolution.
• The 1969 Soviet-China boundary conflict further brought India and the Soviet Union closer. On the other hand, Sino-Pak relations were also blossoming along. Henry Kissinger’s secret visits to China in 1971 changed the US policy towards China and US-china relations took a turn for the better, which fuelled Pakistan’s misadventures. Disregarding the public mandate of the 1971 general elections in which Mujib-ur-Rahman’s Awami League got the majority, the Pakistani army refused to hand over power to the elected representatives. This led to an uprising in the eastern wing of Pakistan.
• The lessons learned in the 1971 Indo-Pak war propelled India to develop its nuclear options. The result was the 1974 Pokhran peaceful nuclear explosions strengthening the morale of our army and proving the mettle of our scientific community.

Relationship take-off with neighbors and the west – 1977 to 1990

• Under the stated principle of “Genuine Non-alignment,” India tried to improve its relations with the western block, especially the US. Jimmy Carter’s 1978 visit to India reflected this change in US out­look towards India and the relations between the two countries were strengthened after a long period of mistrust.
• India managed to thaw the relations with the US without jeopar­dizing existing cooperation with USSR, while Congress, which had established strong ties with USSR in the last decade, took the relations with the US further to lay the foundation for their coopera­tion in decades to come. Some examples of early success were, the res­olution of the nuclear fuel supply dispute related to the Tarapur power plant in 1982, and the decision of the US to expand technology transfer to India in 1984. Thus India during this period, did manage to forge successful cooperation with both camps of the cold war.
• However, in the pursuit of economic development, India did not disregard the developing countries’ solidarity and continued to lead this group. The commitment was expressed at the 1983 New Delhi Non-aligned summit in which India’s support for a democratic peaceful and equitable world order was reiterated.
• Mr. Gandhi’s 1988 visit to Pakistan was momentous in India-Pak relations as two young Prime Ministers were at the helm of affairs in both countries and wanted to do away with the baggage of history. The Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) were developed and an agreement on information on each other’s nuclear installations was signed, which was path-breaking given the history of the volatile bilateral rela­tions of the two countries.
• Similarly, Rajiv Gandhi’s visit to China in 1988 was also unique in the sense that it created the necessary trust between the two neighbors which was sorely missing after the 1962 border war. Several Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) were proposed and an agreement on main­taining peace and tranquility along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) was signed. This agreement proved a starting point for re-invigorating Sino-Indian relations and economic interaction was emphasized.
• India’s proposal to set up an AFRICA (Assistance for Fighting Racialism, Imperialism and Colonialism in Africa) Fund was an abiding testimony to the cause of African people. Similarly, at the UN general assembly in I988, India proposed its ‘six countries five continent’ formula for universal nuclear disarmament in a time-bound manner. It was an endeavor to bring to an end the nuclear discrimination towards developing countries.

New avenues of cooperation post cold war —1991 to 1998

• India was forced to open up its economy due to the conditionalities put forward by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. India liberalized its economy in June 1991 and opened almost all areas of its economy to foreign investment and technology.
• Further, the end of the Cold War and the demise of the Soviet Union brought forth a new template before India to reorient its foreign pol­icy according to the changing international scenario. India adjusted to its changing environment and developed its relations with countries and regions of the world which were hitherto untouched by Indian foreign policy.
• Another major step after the end of the cold war was the launch of the “Look East Policy” by the Narsimha Rao government. The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) which emerged during the cold war era, also felt the need to balance the rising regional hegemony in the form of China.
• The establishment of diplomatic relations with Israel in 1993 was a step taken to balance India’s West Asia policy and tap the technological and defense expertise of Israel for India’s security and development.
• The achievement- in the foreign policy field in this period was the propounding of the “Gujral Doctrine” under which India proposed to give all assistance possible to the smaller neighbors in good faith without any expectations of reci­procity. This period was also very short-lived due to the unstable nature of the United Front government.

Rise to prominence on the world stage —1998 to date

• The Pokhran nuclear explosions of 1998 entirely changed the discourse of Indian foreign policy. It launched India on the international scene as India made its intentions clear to defend itself by utilizing all options.
• The Indian economy also showed resilience by achieving high growth rates during these challenging times. The “Resurgent India Bonds” and the other assistance provided by the Diaspora not only helped in revving up the economy but also revived the strong cultural connection. It was a phase change in terms of the interaction of the Indian Diaspora with the Indian state. The Diaspora till that time was considered to be only an emotional link and its economic potential was not emphasized or explored.
• The conclusion of the Indo-US civil nuclear deal was the culmination of these efforts of the two countries fully supported by the Indian-American community. The same was the case with other major powers including the EU, Russia, ASEAN, and Japan. Although the EU and Japan criticized India vehemently on the Pokhran nuclear issue, they also established a strategic partnership with India in the year 2000. It was the French government that not only supported India on the nuclear issue but was also the moving force behind the idea of India getting assistance in the civilian nuclear field from the major world powers.
• This phase of Indian foreign policy was a paradigm shift in another sense, as geo-economics had begun taking center stage. India started focusing on economic relations not only at the SAARC level but at the global level also. Starting with India-Sri Lanka Free Trade Area (FTA) in 1998 India concluded various trade agreements with its part­ners including Singapore, Thailand, Mercosur, and ASEAN countries.
• The perennial love-hate relationship between India and Pakistan has also matured after both neighbors have gone nuclear despite the failure of the Agra summit in August 2001 and the military stand between the two after the December 2001 attack on the Indian parliament, when both countries did not lose control of the situation. The reviving up of the composite dialogue in January 2004 and its progressive evolution reflected the maturity of the two neighbors.
• India has worked as a “bridging power” between the developed and the developing world and worked on the core themes of developed and vibrant India in an equitable and just world order. India has also tried to achieve the goal of democratizing the United Nations (UN) and aspired to actively participate as a permanent member of the UN Security Council. The G4 attempt by India, Japan, Germany, and Brazil was the most beautiful example of India working as a “bridging power” by bringing together both the developed (Japan and Germany) and developing (Brazil) countries, and casting the world order in its image of a true replica of the prevailing international world order.
• Continuing this legacy of decisiveness in Indian foreign policy Mrs. Indira Gandhi showed her mettle during the 1971 Indo-Pak war. Her prudent and pragmatic approach to world politics led to various path-breaking decisions like participating in the first Earth summit in 1972, the Pokhran peaceful nuclear explosion in 1974, and developing India’s agricultural base to avoid PL-480 type of situations.
• Similarly, the ‘Look East Policy” of Narsimha Rao was the product of his acumen and experience as a foreign minister with the previous government.
• I K Gujral’s “Gujral Doctrine” and A B Vajpayee’s decision for going nuclear tests were decisions taken by these leaders on the back of their personal motivations and sound understanding of Indian Foreign policy.

New Contexts and Consequent Foreign Policy Changes

• In the late 1980s and early 1990s India had to improve its relations with the US and other Western countries to counterbalance its sagging position on the international scene due to the collapse of the Soviet Union.
• While the 1950s and 1960s saw the fierce Cold War between the United States of America (US) and the Soviet Union and the consequent strengthening of the policy of non-alignment, the late 1980s, and early 1990s were marked by some major changes. These included the end of the Cold War; the disintegration of the Soviet Union leaving the US as the sole superpower with bipolarity giving way to unipolarity; the collapse of East European Communist states; the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact; the demolition of the Berlin Wall; the unification of East and West Germany, etc. All these were striking developments leading to new contexts, which in turn led to some major transformations in the essence of India's foreign policy. These may be seen as a fundamental change, which crossed the limit of nuclear morality as well as non-aligned third-worldism and anti-West paranoia. These points were substantiated by the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government's nuclear tests of 1998, the offer of unsolicited support to the US on the National and Theatre Missile Defence proposals as well as the offer of bases and facilities for the post-9/11 war on global terrorism. There are five major shifts in India’s foreign policy orientation:

1. Consensus to transform a socialist society into a modern capitalist one
2. Emphasis from "politics" to "economics"
3. From third-worldism to the promotion of self-interests
4. Rejection of the "anti-West" mode of foreign policy
5. From idealism to pragmatism

• These were important shifts required in India's foreign policy during its process of adjustment with the new international order. India had to improve its relations with the US and other Western countries to counterbalance its sagging position on the international scene due to the collapse of the Soviet Union. Since the 1970s, New Delhi had become increasingly dependent on Moscow for diplomatic, economic and military assistance. Though India continues to have a military relationship with Russia, Israel has emerged as India's second largest military partner while India has built a strong strategic partnership with the United States. The Indo-US civilian nuclear agreement, signed and implemented in 2008, highlighted the growing sophistication of the Indo-American relations.
• India also established formal diplomatic relations with Israel and South Africa, made efforts to rebuild its relationships with China, Pakistan and other members of the South Asian region and the desire to attract foreign investments and search for oil and natural gas security led to greater international engagement with Asian and African countries.
• For the first time, India also established formal diplomatic relations with Israel and South Africa. At the same time, it made efforts to rebuild its relationships with China, Pakistan and other members of the South Asian region by actively and generously cooperating with them individually as well as in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). In addition, the desire to attract foreign investments and the search for oil and natural gas security led to greater international engagement with Asian and African countries, which it had previously ignored. India has forged close ties with the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the African Union, the Arab League and Iran.
• India was one of the founding members of several international organizations, most notably the United Nations, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Asian Development Bank and the G20 industrial nations. India has also played an important and influential role in other international organizations like East Asia SummitWorld Trade Organization, International Monetary Fund (IMF) G8+5 and IBSA Dialogue Forum. Regional organizations India is a part of include SAARC and BIMSTEC. India has taken part in several UN peacekeeping missions and in 2007, it was the second-largest troop contributor to the United Nations. India is currently seeking a permanent seat in the UN Security Council. It is a strong contender of UNSC seat along with the G4 nations.
• Climate change remains the major challenge. Developing countries including India wants larger share of cut from their side in green house gas emission, because they have already used environment and resources for reaching to a level of development where they are. On the other hand developed countries want to have bounded commitments from devel­oping countries for green house gas reduction. India stands for “com­mon but differentiated” responsibility, no quantitative restriction and NAPCC. It also believes that still its per capita green house emission rate is very low, so it should not be bundled with developed countries for greater reduction targets.
• Recent time has seen violence against people of Indian origin in many countries especially in South-East Asian countries like Malaysia and Fiji. There are also cases of abduction and torture of non resident Indians in Afghanistan and Gulf countries. The diplomatic efforts must be to ensure that the rights of Indian Diasporas are protected. Pravasi Bhartiya Diwas and the decision to offer Dual citizenship to persons of Indian origin will go a long way in meeting these challenges.
• Despite these efforts, India is still far from attaining its goal of becoming a "great power" in the contemporary international system and "a dominant and key role player" in international peace and security building. This is due to an unclear foreign policy framework and the absence of a sound and effective strategy, utilizing cultural, economic, military, political, scientific—technological and social developments as inputs of power for advancing and pursuing national interests.

Raisina Dialogue

India is hosting a first of its kind conference on Geo politics in the capital, called the Raisina Dialogue which will have invitees from various other countries also.This international conclave on geopolitics and geo-economics will be hosted in Delhi.Envisioned as India’s flagship conference of geopolitics and geoeconomics, the Raisina Dialogue 2016 is designed to explore prospects and opportunities for Asian integration as well as Asia’s integration with the larger world. It is predicated on India’s vital role in the Indian Ocean Region and how India along with its partners can build a stable regional and world order.

The 2016 conclave will focus on Asia’s physical, economic, digital connectivity and fostering common global spaces with an emphasis on Asia. The two-day annual conference is a multistakeholder, cross-sectoral meeting involving policy and decision-makers, including but not limited to Foreign, Defence and Finance Ministers of different countries, high-level government officials and policy practitioners, leading personalities from business and industry, and members of the strategic community, media and academia.

Future Course

• The US has already recognized India as a large and dynamic market, but this realization must translate itself in the relations between the two states and the Indian government must continue its efforts in this direction. The pitch and pace of determined more by the US than by India, because of the power asymmetry between the two. 
• Although Indo-Russian relations have been moving on the right track, a greater interaction is recommended. India still purchases much military hardware from Russia, relies on it for arms and diplomatic backing in times of crises, and is looking to it for support on the issue of a seat at the LJNSC.
• Beijing has not only repeatedly advanced its territorial claims on the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh but has also carried out many infiltrations inside this border state and erected military outposts, thereby arousing suspicions about Chinese intentions.
• Pakistan’s involvement in most terror strikes in India and its active support to terror networks with hideouts provided in its territory strain relations between the two states. Islamabad has always been under the influence and control of the military junta, the Inter-Service Intelligence, and hardline mullahs. Meaningful talks between them and the democratic Indian government seem unlikely.
• India must pay full attention to the progress of SAARC as this could ensure the economic and social development of the region. People-to-people contact and interaction are necessary for South Asia and the region should strive for visa-free travel and a common currency on the model of the European Union. India must now also engage with Fast and Southeast Asia for economic prosperity.
• In West Asia, the transformed international order also dictated consequent changes in India's foreign policy. Economic and energy requirements have defined India's policy towards this region since the 1990s, more than the rhetoric of the past.
• India's aspirations to become a dominant and key role player in international relations and achieve great power status remain a distant dream - India still fails to project its power abroad in a coherent and consistent manner. It must not remain aloof to new developments and transformations arising in the international field.
• Changes in foreign policy have not evolved into a new strategic framework substituting the well-entrenched policy of nonalignment. This policy, despite being partly irrelevant in the post-Cold War international order, which demands a less idealistic approach, has prevented the Indian foreign policy establishment from developing an alternative strategy in the new international order.
• There have been many changes in India's relations with Africa, China, East, Southeast, and West Asia, Russia, and the US, these have remained incremental efforts and have not led to a fundamental restructuring of India's foreign policy.