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The reasons for the strategic importance of Myanmar to India are:
Economic cooperation is the single most important factor in Indo-Myanmar relationship as it is considered as India’s gateway to the East Asian market since long. The Act East policy further underscores this component. Trade grew from $424 million in 2004-05 to $2 billion in 2014-15. Bilateral trade between the two countries has, for long, remained at around $2 billion.
China has raised its economic profile in SE Asia, particularly in Myanmar despite the sanctions imposed by the west against the military junta. India also increased its economic interaction especially in view of the large oil and gas resources available in Myanmar and much needed by India.
Myanmar is also India's bridge to the larger ASEAN market and an integral part of Prime Minister Modi's "Act East Policy". The Kaladan Multi Modal Transit Transport Project, which will open the waterways for transport of goods in the region, forms an important part of Delhi's connectivity aims. It would invigorate the economic development of India’s underdeveloped North Eastern region by transforming it into an economic hub.
India’s commitment for investment in transnational highway connectivity projects would give a boost to infrastructure development in Northern and Western Myanmar.
It is not just Myanmar, however. India’s economic ties with ASEAN in general and the CMLV (Cambodia, Myanmar, Laos and Vietnam) countries in particular, have witnessed a sharp rise.
Bilateral trade between India and CMLV countries was just $460 million in 2000, and increased to $11.85 billion by 2014. Of India’s total trade with ASEAN, over 15 percent is with CMLV countries, which have less developed economies compared to the fellow ASEAN members.
India intends to extend the trilateral highway to other CMLV countries to accelerate economic integration. It only underscores the recent dynamics of our eengagement with South-East Asia, of which Myanmar is the spring board.
With Myanmar’s government trying to encourage foreign investment, and with the recent removal of U.S. sanctions, it is likely to emerge as an important investment destination.
India is also encouraging companies to invest in Myanmar. A Rs. 5 billion ($75 million) Project Development Fund has been approved by the Government of India for encouraging Indian investments in CMLV countries. The Tata group has been very strategic in not restricting itsbusinessoperations to natural resources. In seeking to enter areas like the information technology (IT) and agricultural sectors it has sent a clear message that, unlike Chinese companies, Indian companies are not merely interested in grabbing natural resources and are keen to create opportunities for locals and help in capacity building.
The major security considerations are:
Insurgency in the North Eastern States of India:
1948-1962
Relations were friendly and cordial during the days of Prime Minister Nehru and Prime Minister U Nu. India provided economic and military assistance. Both were members of the Non Aligned Movement.
1962-1988
Relations virtually froze with the military rule under Ne Win adopting an isolationist policy. Domestic policies including the expulsion of ethnic Indians soured the relations. Myanmar’s anti Soviet stance strained relations with India being pro-Soviet at that time. Myanmar refused to become a member of the Commonwealth. Indian Consulate in Mandalay had to be closed. Myanmar withdrew from NAM in 1979.
1988-2007
As a result of the sympathy of the Indian government to the pro democracy movement, which started in 1988, the relations were strained. India had even accommodated a large number of pro democracy refugees in camps in NE India. All India Radio programmes were criticising the military regime. In 1993 India reversed its stance with a more realistic and pragmatic policy and started engaging the military regime. Since then the relations have been growing steadily save for a minor hiccup in 1995 when Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nehru Peace Price for International Understanding. The visit of Maung Aye, Vice Chairman SPDC, the second most powerful leader in the junta, in November 2000, helped the turn round in the relations. There has been all round progress in political, economic and military relations as well as cooperation in technology, HRD, infrastructure, education, space, health and other fields.
2007-Till Date
Process of reforms was set in motion after 2007. India’s consistent support for the Myanmar’s authorities in face of the western pressure seems to have borne fruit. The next challenge for Indian diplomacy will be to stake a large slice of the cake that the whole world wants to relish.
India has opened a consulate at Sittwe in 2013, a sea port on the Myanmar’s flank of the Bay of Bengal, becoming the first country to have three missions in the country. China and India have their embassies in the national capital and consulates in Mandalay.
Sittwe port, about 550 km from Kolkata, is slated to see considerable Indian activity soon after it becomes the mouth of a maritime-cum-road route to India’s North-East as an alternate to India’s sole link to the region via the congested Siliguri corridor.
India is the fourth largest trading partner of Myanmar after Thailand, Singapore and China. Bilateral Trade has expanded significantly from US $ 12.4 million in 1980-81 to over USD 1.87 billion in 2012. India’s imports from Myanmar are primarily agricultural and forest based products (especially beans and pulses) and main exports to Myanmar are primary and semi finished steel and pharmaceuticals. The balance of trade is heavily in favour of Myanmar.
Main interest areas of India are in deepening cooperation in procuring energy, oil and natural gas from Myanmar. Our companies are interested in securing more exploratory oil and gas blocks both onshore and offshore
A Bilateral Investment Promotion Agreement (BIPA) and a Double Taxation Avoidance Agreement (DTAA) were also signed in 2008. India and Myanmar are both signatories to the India-ASEAN Trade in Goods Agreement, which was signed in August 2009. Myanmar is also a beneficiary country under India’s Duty Free Tariff Preference Scheme for LDCs.
Agriculture sector dominates the bilateral trade. Myanmar is the second largest supplier of beans and pulses to India, next only to Canada, accounting for one third of India's total requirements of imported pulses. India imported pulses and beans US$ worth 1090 million from Myanmar. Also, Myanmar contributes to nearly one fifth of India's imports of timber. Timber and wood products accounted for more than 37% of Myanmar's exports to India (US$ 400 million). Other items of India’s exports include pharmaceuticals products, steel and iron products, electrical machinery, Mineral oil, Rubber and articles, plastics etc. Pharmaceutical products accounts for 23% (nearly US$ 76.09 mn) of India's exports to Myanmar in 2011-12. Over 10 Indian companies dominate Myanmar pharma market (about 40 %)
The first Border Trade Agreement was signed in Delhi in January 1994 and was implemented in April 1995 with the opening of a cross border point between Moreh (Manipur, India) and Tamu (Sagaing Division, Myanmar). Subsequently both governments had agreed to open four check posts which inclue Pangsau pass, Paletwa, Lungwa-Yanyong and Pangsha-Pangnyo between the nations. Opening of border posts will help in checking the border trade and making it official, curb the illegal trade of goods and monitor the activities of the insurgent groups between India and Myanmar.
With an estimated border trade of US$ 12.8 mn (2010-11), major items bought by Myanmar traders from the Indian side are cotton yarn, auto parts, soya bean meal and pharmaceuticals, (reports also about smuggling of items like fertilizers, vehicles particularly two wheelers etc.); betel nut, dried ginger, green mung beans, turmeric roots, resin and medicinal herbs are the
Main items sold from Myanmar to India. During the 3rd India-Myanmar Joint Trade Committee in October 2008, it was agreed that Border Trade at the existing points would be upgraded to Normal Trade so as to promote bilateral trade between the two countries. Trans border trade has failed to provide any benefit to local people and there are procedural hiccups for obtaining licenses as well.
The international boundary between the two countries had been formally delimited and demarcated following the boundary agreement on March 10, 1967. India-Myanmar boundary is also an artificial line which is superimposed on the socio-cultural landscape of the borderland. As a result, the boundary line cuts across houses and villages thus dividing several tribes such as the Singphos, Nagas, Kukis, Mizos, etc., and forcing them to reside as citizens of different countries. These tribes, however, refuse to accept the artificial line and continue to maintain strong linkages with their kith and kin across the border.
The border traverses a region which is infested with numerous insurgencies. The insurgents have been crossing over to Myanmar to receive training in arms, establish safe havens and re-enter India to carry out subversive attacks.
Over the years, the India-Myanmar border has become the main conduit for the trafficking of arms and high quality heroin from Myanmar.
India and Myanmar have regular border post meetings at Moreh-Tamu. It has been agreed to have four more border posts to facilitate army meetings. They are at Lungwa (Mon district-Nagaland), Bihang (Churchandpur district-Manipur) and at Sapi and Zokawathar (Mizoram). A 400 km border with Myanmar is already fenced and is being improved by raising the height. A stretch of 14 km near the international boundary at Moreh has also been planned to be fenced. The fencing is important in view of the rampant narcotic trade along the Indo-Myanmar border.
The 160 Km India-Myanmar Friendship roads on Burmese territory from Tamu to Kalemyo to Kalewa was built by the Border Roads Organisation and completed in 2001and maintained upto 1995.
India is involved in the India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway Project.
India has extended project specific credit lines for up gradation of Yangon-Mandalay Trunk line, an optical fibre link between Moreh and Mandalay and ADSL systems in Yangon & Mandalay.
Other projects at various stages of completion include the Kaladan Multimodal Transport project and the Tamanthi Hydro Electric power project.
India has also offered to help Myanmar in improving its rail links such as the Yangon-Mandalay sector as well as connecting them to rail links on the Indian side.
Indian Commerce Ministry has embarked upon an ambitious project to develop Sittwe port in Myanmar and to open up a sea route connecting it to Mizoram in North East India. For this purpose, the navigable river Kaladon in Mizoram is to be developed.
Myanmar has reportedly world’s tenth biggest gas reserves estimated to be more than 90 trillion cubic feet. India has evinced keen interest to procure gas from Myanmar. ONGC Videsh Limited (OVL) and Gas Authority of India Limited (GAIL) hold 30 % stakes in the exploration and production of gas in Myanmar’s A1 and A3 off shore blocks located in Sittwe Area of Arakan State.
The earlier proposal to bring the gas in Myanmar by a pipeline through Bangladesh to India had to be dropped because of unreasonable demands from Bangladesh. The latest proposal is to bring the gas through a 1575 Km pipeline (longer than the Bangladesh route) from Sittwe port in Myanmar through Aizwal –Silchar-Guahawti-Siliguri to Gaya linking it to Haldia-Jagadishpur oil pipeline in Gaya (Bihar).
India has even offered to buy Myanmar gas and import it through ship till the pipeline is laid.
In 2013 ONGC Videsh Ltd, the overseas arm of state-owned Oil and Natural Gas Corp, has won two on land oil blocks in Myanmar, strengthening its presence in the south-east Asian nation. OVL, which has stakes in the A-1 and A-3 gas discovery blocks and three other offshore acreages in Myanmar, was last week awarded two oil and gas exploration blocks in that country’s Onshore Blocks Second Bidding Round — 2013.
• Indo-Myanmar cultural relations are rooted in a shared Buddhist heritage and a common struggle for freedom which shaped our consciousness. Myanmar is home to 2.5 million-strong Indian diaspora, settled mostly in Yangon and Mandalay.
• Buddhism – The Sarnath-style Buddha statue donated by the Indian government to people of Myanmar and installed at the Shwedagon Pagoda premises remains a shining symbol of cultural and civilisation connect between the two countries. Leveraging the common Buddhist heritage is an important component of Modi regime’s policy in Myanmar and beyond as it forms the core of India’s soft power projection in South East Asia.
• A closer look would suggest that China is no competition for India in the spiritual business. Given Beijing’s inability to grant full religious freedom at home and the continuing hostility towards the Dalai Lama amid the restiveness in Tibet, China will always find it hard to realise the full potential of its Buddhist soft power. India, in contrast, just needs to end the prolonged neglect of its Buddhist heritage and begin to invest in preserving and promoting it.
• Modi’s focus on Buddhist heritage nicely complements his focus on infrastructure, accelerated economic development through the promotion of tourism within the country and across its border. The future connectivity of Indian Buddhist circuit with the Buddhist sites across Asia could go far in securing the greater subcontinent’s Buddhist heritage – from Afghanistan to Sri Lanka and from western China to southern Myanmar.
INDIAN DIASPORA
The origin of the Indian community in Myanmar is traced back to the mid-19th Century with the advent of the British rule in Lower Burma in 1852. The two cities of Myanmar namely, Yangon (former Rangoon) and Mandalay had a dominating presence of Indians in various fields such as civil services, education, trade & commerce during the British rule. According to 1983 official census of Myanmar the number of PIOs in Myanmar is 428,428 and the estimated number of stateless PIOs is to be 250,000. A large number of the Indian community (nearly 150,000) live in Bago (Zeyawaddy & Kyautaga) and Tanintharyi Regions and Mon State and are primarily engaged in farming. The NRI families in Myanmar mainly live in Yangon and are engaged in export-import business or are employees of MNCs based in India, Singapore and Thailand.
As early as in 1995 India and Myanmar armies had conducted a joint military operation (called Golden Bird) against some North Eastern insurgent groups (ULFA, NSCN, PLA, PLF& KNA) though this operation was aborted after Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nehru Peace prize for International Understanding. Myanmar resumed its military operations against the insurgents from Feb 2000 to May 2001.
True to the assurances of General Than Shwe during his visit to India in October 2004, the Myanmar Army had conducted military operations against the Indian insurgents operating in their territory during December 2005 and again in 2006.
India and Myanmar held their first ever bilateral naval exercise in the Bay of Bengal in 2013. Subsequently, they would undertake a coordinated patrol in an area close to the Coco islands, to look for unauthorised fishermen, poachers, smugglers and insurgent groups.
The exercise signals Myanmar’s willingness to enhance level of engagement with India and it follows Defence Minister A K Antony’s visit to Myanmar in January 2013
The high point in the bilateral relations was the visit of Senior General Than Shwe, Chairman, State Peace and Development Council from 24 to 29 October 2004. A MoU for cooperation in the field of Non-traditional Security Issues and a MoU on the Tamanthi Hydroelectric Project on Chindwin river in Myanmar were signed.
The visit of the Indian President Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam to Myanmar from 8-11 March 2006 was a landmark in that this was the first head of state/government visit to Myanmar after 1987 when Rajiv Gandhi visited Myanmar. A number of agreements and Memorandums of Understanding were signed during this visit.
President Thein Sein visited India in October, 2011.
Dr Manmohan Singh, payed a State visit to the Republic of the Union of Myanmar in May 2012. In this visit India extended a Line of Credit of USD 500 million as well signed a air service agreement with Myanmar.
A 23 member Parliamentary Delegation from Myanmar led by U Khin Aung Myint, Speaker of (Upper House) called on the President of India, Shri Pranab Mukherjee in Dec 2013 as well.
Analysis of the visit
The visit also took place against the backdrop of uncertainties in the future India-China relationship caused by the now defused Doklam stand-off and the BRICS summit. Sensitive to its location between the two Asians giants, Myanmar is keen to leverage the growth potential of good relations with Asia’s two fastest growing economies. But it is also wary of its economic dependence on China, characterised by a largely extractive relationship focussed on natural resources and access to the Bay of Bengal that could form part of its ambitious BRI.
• The shadow of China thus loomed large over the visit. Myanmar would welcome closer economic ties with India to balance and offset its domineering ties with China.
• The big takeaways of his first bilateral were the fast-tracking of a host of long-pending projects. New Delhi will upgrade the Yagyi-Kalewa road for Rs 177 crore, which is part of the India-Myanmar-Thailand highway. A new border crossing will be opened in Manipur’s Moreh, which is a flourishing trade post for people of both countries. India will also assist building an airport in the country.
• India has upgraded three hospitals in Myanmar and committed to building a new hospital in Nay Pyi Taw.
• India-Myanmar joint statement during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit didn’t include any reference to the refugee situation. New Delhi's support for the security operations comes at a time when Nobel Laureate Suu Kyi is under international pressure after the exodus of thousands from the Rakhine state into Bangladesh, many of them accusing the military of large-scale arson
• India’s stand of supporting Myanmar over Rohingya issue is viewed a strategy of not adversely affecting its ties with Myanmar when Suu Kyi is increasingly under pressure over the Rohingya crisis, which UN secretary general Antonio Guterres warned could lead to ethnic cleansing and regional destabilisation.
• When India and Myanmar decided to broaden the bilateral security and counter-terrorism partnership, the drivers were New Delhi’s concerns over ISI infiltration into the ranks of Rohingyas and Yangon’s fight against the Rakhine terrorists .
• India and Bangladesh, through their joint counter-terror cooperation, have recently discovered that the ISI had allegedly played a key role in masterminding a terror attack in Myanmar’s Rakhine state terror attacks that killed several members of Myanmarese Army ahead of Prime Minister Modi’s visit. India-Bangladesh-Myanmar may now move toward trilateral info-sharing mechanism to counter this threat in the region.
ASEAN: Myanmar became a member of ASEAN in 1997. As the only ASEAN country, which shares a land and maritime boundary with India, Myanmar is the gateway to ASEAN. The Ministry Of External Affairs has indicated that a few proposals for cooperation are under discussion with Myanmar within the framework of ASEAN’s IAI Progamme. Of these the Myanmar-India Entrepreneurship Development Centre is expected to be launched soon.
Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC): Myanmar became a member of BIMSTEC in 1997. BIMSTEC has identified six sectors of cooperation, for each of which a lead country has been designated. Myanmar is the lead country for the energy sector. Myanmar trades mostly with Thailand and India in the BIMSTEC region. Myanmar’s major exports to India are agricultural products like beans, pulses, and maize and forest products such as teak and hardwoods. Its imports are chemical products, pharmaceuticals, electrical appliances and transport equipment.
Mekong Ganga Cooperation (MGC): Myanmar is a member of the MGC since its inception in 2000. MGC is an initiative by six countries – India and five ASEAN countries namely Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam – for cooperation in the fields of tourism, education, culture, transport and communication.
Forum on Regional Economic Cooperation among Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar (BCIM): The BCIM initiative has attracted much attention in India, as it has the potential to bring three of India’s neighbours closer to a joint pursuit of common prosperity through the increasing use of mechanisms of regional integration.
Insurgency and volatility in north and west Myanmar may derail India’s infrastructure push for regional connectivity which may prove to be a drag on the still unfolding Act East policy.
Over decades of closer ties with the military junta, China has emerged as the single largest investor in Myanmar. Although the situation appears to reverse under the new regime, still China will remain the most significant player for the time being.
The rising Buddhist Nationalism in Myanmar is a threat to the already fragile inter-community relations. The persecution and resultant migration of ethnic Rohingyas threaten the stability of Rakhine state, the home to Sittwe and Kaladan projects. It also threatens to compromise the efficacy of BIMSTEC as Bangladesh is bearing the brunt of Rohingya influx.
Despite successful elections the military still controls key government positions which signify that the democratic transition is still a work in progress.
The inordinate delay in project execution by Indian agencies undercuts Myanmar’s confidence in Indian capabilities making them susceptible to further Chinese inroads.
Way Forward:
China and Myanmar have been close allies since the time PRC came into being. For Myanmar, China’s substantial economic, military and political support is vital in view of the sanctions imposed by the west and the mounting pressure by the regional and international forum.
China is the major supplier of military hardware to Myanmar. China’s military sales to Myanmar include jet fighters, armoured vehicles and naval vessels valued at over $ 2 billion. China is helping Myanmar to modernize its naval bases in Hiangyyi, Coco, Akyab, Zadetkyi Kyun, Mergui and Khankphyu. China has a maritime reconnaissance and electronic intelligence station in Coco islands and is building a base at this location. The ultimate aim is to secure a corridor to the Indian Ocean from South China via Myanmar. Thanks to China, the Myanmar army is the second largest in South East Asia (after Vietnam) and it has expanded from 180000 men to more than 450000.
The Chinese have built an all weather road from Kunming in Southern China to Mandalay in Central Myanmar.
Since 1988, China has made huge investments in Myanmar with more than half of it in hydropower dam projects especially for export to the Chinese province of Yunnan across the border
In North Myanmar’s Kachin State, there are two big Chinese investments: the Myitsone confluence hydroelectric power plant project and the 2800 km pipeline project owned by China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC)
In 2013 China has started the oil pipeline linking Burma's deep-water port of Kyaukphyu (Sittwe) in the Bay of Bengal with Kunming in Yunnan province of China.
India was concerned with China’s increasing engagement with Myanmar’s military junta, especially in improving the naval facilities including the setting up of four electronic listening posts along the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea.
While India’s concerns are understandable, Myanmar must have also realised that it is being stifled by China and must look for an alternative in India particularly in view of India’s rising economic potential and mutual strategic and security interests.
Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) has won a landslide victory in Myanmar after general elections on 8 November. It was the country's first national vote since a nominally civilian government was introduced in 2011, ending nearly 50 years of military rule. The NLD will control the next parliament and can choose the next president. As expected there were irregularities but while not entirely "free and fair" all observers accepted that the process was credible and the result reflect the will of the people.That's not to say that Myanmar has a full democracy. Not all the seats in the Hluttaw (parliament) were up for grabs.The military-drafted constitution guarantees that unelected military representatives take up 25% of the seats in the Hluttaw and have a veto over constitutional change. This is what the generals call "disciplined democracy".Aung San Suu Kyi may well have led her party to a landslide win but she can't become president.Article 59F of the constitution states that if one of your "legitimate children… owes allegiance to a foreign power" you are disqualified. That covers both Ms Suu Kyi's sons Kim and Alexander, who have British passports.
Changing the constitution is impossible without the support of the unelected army representatives.There are still a few who think that when confronted by the size of the NLD victory the army might change its mind. It's certainly possible that Ms Suu Kyi might be nominated by her party, even if she didn't meet the constitutional criteria.
Myanmar has been under severe attack from the international community in recent times for what is being considered as ‘genocide’ against the Rohingya Muslims.
Considered by the United Nations as the “most persecuted minority group in the world”, the Rohingyas are a stateless group of people concentrated in western Myanmar, and facing brutal assaults from the Burmese state and military. Since October 2016, frequent reports have come in of the Burmese army burning down Rohingya villages, rapes and murders of the nature of ‘ethnic cleansing’.
• Faced with the savagery, about 300,000 Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar have rushed into Bangladesh for refuge. This is not the first time that this group has been seeking shelter from the Bangladeshi government on account of being brutally persecuted at home. Last time a mass exodus of the Rohingyas happened was in 2012 when communal clashes erupted between them and the Rakhine Buddhists who were later represented by the Burmese Army.
• While Bangladesh remains their favourite destination for decades now, they have been seeking out refuge in other neighbouring countries as well. According to a UN report, at present around 5,500 Rohingya refugees have been registered in India and are living in makeshift camps under precarious conditions, though Indian government estimates this figure to be around 40,000.
India’s stand
• Even as Delhi has maintained a cautious stance, it has been receiving Rohingya refugees and allowing them to settle in different parts of the country over the years particularly after the communal violence in Rakhine state in 2012. In December 2012, External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid visited Rakhine state and donated $1 milion for relief in the violence hit state.
• But since the renewed conflict in Rakhine over the past few months, the Modi government has unequivocally condemned the terrorist attacks of August 2017 when the security forces and Ms. Suu Kyi herself face heightened international criticism on the handling of the issue.
• Besides, New Delhi announced imminent plans for deportation of 40,000 Rohingya as they were illegal migrants. In the Supreme Court the government refused to revise its stand on deporting Rohinya immigrants in India. It insisted that Rohingyas are illegal immigrants and they will be deported as per law.
• The only concern India has is the stand that would be taken by Myanmar. In the past Myanmar had refused to accept and recognise them as their citizens.
• In a show of solidarity with Myanmar, India dissociated itself from the ‘Bali Declaration’ adoped at the ‘World Parliamentary Forum on Sustainable Development’ held on September 7, 2017. This was because it carried inappropriate reference to the violence in Rakhine State . India reiterated its stance that the purpose of convening the Parliamentary forum was to arrive at a mutual consensus for implementation of SDGs (Sustainable Development Goals) which required inclusive and broad-based development processes.
• Not being a signatory to the 1951 United Nations Convention on the Status of Refugees or its 1967 protocol, India would not be in breach of any international law in turning away the Rohingya people. Nor does it have a domestic law for refugees.
• India rejected criticism of its deportation plan by reminding critics that India does not need lessons in compassion as it has taken in hundreds of thousands of refugees in the past.
Criticism of India’s stand over deportation
• India has big power aspirations, and to that end at least, it must act like one. Indian Government’s plans to deport the Rohingya makes India and Indians seem small-minded and insecure, rather than a nation with a long and confident record of compassion towards people seeking safe haven from persecution in their own countries.
• They face the challenge of survival and the prospect of persecution if they return to Myanmar. If we abandon the Rohingya, we abandon the idea of India as a home of refugees and hospitality. A country which offered a home to the Parsis, the Tibetans, the Afghans and the Jews cannot turn a little minority of helpless people back.
• It weakens India’s moral authority to speak for minorities in other parts of its neighbourhood. Interestingly Nepal, Bhutan and Sri Lanka joined the Bali declaration which India opted out.
• The world does not expect Myanmar’s other big neighbour, China, to be vocal about the atrocities being committed, but as the upholder of democratic values, India has a unique opportunity to demonstrate statesmanship and regional leadership by mediating a solution to the Rohingya crisis on the basis of a report Kofi Annan Committee set up by none other than Ms. Suu Kyi.
• There may be radicalised Rohingya, and the ARSA is said to have links with the Lashkar-e-Toiba. But it is the job of the intelligence and security apparatus to weed out the bad, so that there is no branding of an entire community.
• However, on September 9, 2017 India expressed its "deep concern" about the situation in Rakhine State and the outflow of refugees from that region and also urged Myanmar to handle the situation with restraint and maturity. New Delhi asked Myanmar to focus on the welfare of the civilian population as well security forces and underlined that it is imperative that violence is ended and normalcy in the State restored expeditiously.
• India’s shift in position on the Myanmar issue, for the first time in recent months, was prompted by a series of requests from the Bangladesh government. The Indian High Commission in Dhaka had shared an assessment about the pressure faced by the Bangladesh government and the need for India to shift its tough stand.
• Concern over the Rohingyas is a humanitarian problem. But that has been overlaid with a security problem given that they are a vulnerable population. Pushing Rohingyas from one country to another will not resolve either of them. The need is for a political solution to the crisis, and improved
mechanisms to address the security dimension. In view of some experts, India must lead the way, working with Bangladesh, Myammar, Laos, Cambodia and Thailand.
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