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“Our foreign policy towards Japan is based on economic complementarities and developing strategic convergences. In August 2002, both countries agreed on a Global Partnership in the 21st century, at a time when economic sanctions imposed by Japan on India following our nuclear tests of May 1998 were still in force. During her recent visit, Japanese Foreign Minister Kawaguchi spoke of Japan’s strategic partnership with India and India’s pivotal role in the vision to create a pan Asian economic area extending from East to South Asia. In the second quarter of 2002, Japan, Korea, China and India were between the second, fourth, sixth and eighth largest importers of oil in the world. India’s achievements in the software sector and those of the East Asian countries in the hardware sector offer natural synergies that are currently in the process of being jointly exploited to mutual benefit. India and Japan are also candidates for permanent membership of the UN Security Council.”
Relationship between India and Japan is makes good strategic sense as they bring together Asia’s largest and Asia’s richest democracies. It brings together two states who share a similarly strained relationship with China: economic dependence combined with strategic distrust. For India, Japan is a critical source of capital and commercial technology and see Japan as a natural and indispensable partner in our quest for stability and peace in the vast” Indo-Pacific region.
For a politically rising Japan that is beginning to shed its pacifist blinkers, India is central to both its economic-revival and security-building strategies. After prolonged economic stagnation, Japan faces difficult challenges, including a shrinking population, a spiraling public debt, a fundamentally deflationary environment, and a security dilemma compounded by constraints arising from the U.S.-imposed, post-war Constitution.
History
The tragedy of Cold War great power politics kept the two countries apart through the latter half of the 20th century, and on the economic front, things were timed poorly–Japan’s bubble burst just as India liberalized its economy. Late-1990s proved transformative in Japan’s relationship with India. After the Pokhran-II nuclear tests in May 1998, Japan condemned India and participated in the international sanctions regime against it. The relationship entered its contemporary phase of growth and normalization beginning with Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori’s visit to India in 2000.
The importance of Japan for India can be gauged by the fact that Japan is the only Asian country and second in the world – Russia being the other one – with which India has an institutionalized system of annual summits since 2006. (With Russia, India has been having annual summits since 2000).
Abe’s return to the helm boded quite well for India; he is known to be quite fond of India, and a strong proponent of improved strategic ties with the country. His strategic vision of the Asia-Pacific imagines India and Japan at the “Confluence of the Two Seas” bridging the Indian and Pacific Oceans. Indeed, negotiations on a nuclear deal resumed this year, but are still a long way from concluding.
The Civil Nuclear Cooperation agreement will ultimately work out for India and Japan. Much of this cooperation has been possible because, on most issues, Indian and Japanese policymakers act with strategic pragmatism. The nuclear issue, ultimately, is a clash of values. Despite the optimism present in both states with regards to the future of the India-Japan strategic partnership, there is a great need to reconcile this fundamental difference in values.
India’s ‘Look East’ policy posited Japan as a key partner. Japan and India, as energy-poor countries heavily reliant on oil imports from the unstable Persian Gulf region, are seriously concerned over mercantilist efforts to assert control over energy supplies and the transport routes for them. So the maintenance of a peaceful and lawful maritime domain, including unimpeded freedom of navigation, is critical to their security and economic well-being. That is why they have moved from emphasizing shared values to seeking to protect shared interests, including by holding joint naval exercises.
Japan is currently India’s third largest source of foreign direct investment; Japanese companies have made cumulative investments of around $2.6 billion in India since 1991.
Bilateral trade between the two countries more than doubled between 2006-07 and 2012-13. However, total trade has come down to $ 13.48 billion in 2016-17 from a peak of $ 18.5 billion in 2012-13.
Both sides are discussing the Delhi-Mumbai Industrial Corridor Project and Dedicated Freight Corridor Projects on the Mumbai-Delhi and the Delhi-Howrah routes. The Japanese government has also expressed interest to help establish a Chennai-Bangalore Industrial corridor and a Dedicated Freight project in the south, connecting the cities of Bangalore and Chennai.
Kenichi Yoshida, a director of Softbridge Solutions Japan, stated in late 2009 that Indian engineers were becoming the backbone of Japan's IT industry and that "it [] important for Japanese industry to work together with India." Trade between the two nations has also steadily been growing.
India-Japan signed Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA)in 2011, which seeks to eliminate around 94% of the tariffs between Japan and India within 10 years.
Such initiatives were supplemented in the year 2014 by the “India–Japan Investment Promotion Partnership” signed during Prime Minister Modi’s visit to Japan for the bilateral summit.
Both the countries also remain engaged in negotiations for the creation of a “Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership” (RCEP), which seeks to promote regional supply chains and is crucial for India’s Act East policy.
Japanese ODA, for long the backbone of the bilateral relationship, continues to provide long-term loans for India’s infrastructure development. Japanese ODA supports India’s efforts for accelerated economic development particularly in priority areas like power, transportation, environmental projects and projects related to basic human needs.
The Japanese government has expressed its interest in enhancing infrastructure investment projects such as India’s Mass Rapid Transit Systmes (MRTS), Ahmedabad metro, upgradation of ship-breaking yard at Alang Sosiya in Gujarat along with development of industrial cities in Gujarat and Maharashtra and integrated industrial townships in UP and Madhya Pradesh.
Japanese FDI into India for 2016-17 stands at $ 4.71 billion. Japanese FDI into India has mainly been in automobile, electrical equipment, telecommunications, chemical and pharmaceutical sectors. The situation regarding FDI is likely to improve especially on the back of active economic engagement between the two countries through increased number of agreements and memorandum of understanding (MoUs). Important example in this respect are initiatives such as the MoU for Transport and Urban Development signed very recently as well as the Social Security Agreement (SSA) between India and Japan, which is made operational from October 2016.
Japan expects India for improving the business environment, including the easing of regulations and the stabilization of the system. India established the “Japan Plus” office in the Ministry of Commerce and Industry in October 2014 as a "one-stop" location for resolving problems faced by Japanese companies.
India decided to introduce the Shinkansen system in December 2015, when Prime Minister Abe visited India. The Japan’s Shinkansen system is in a highest class of High-Speed Railway systems around the world in terms of its safety and accuracy.
Fifth India-U.S.-Japan trilateral in Tokyo
All three countries are fielded their disarmament and nuclear energy experts in an attempt to push forward the stalled civil nuclear energy agreement with the U.S. Japan is a vital third leg because one of its companies will supply a crucial component for the American nuclear reactors. This requires an India-Japan civil nuclear agreement and Tokyo’s nod on the terms of liability in case of an accident.
As all three countries have taken an interest in reconstruction of Afghanistan, proposals relating to high impact projects will also be considered.
India plans to export 6,000 tonnes of rare earth chloride to Toyota Tsusho, marking its entry into the sector after a seven-year-gap during which China dominated the market.
India-Japan bilateral relationship in the field of defence and security cooperation jump-started during Japanese Prime Minister Abe’s visit to India in August 2007. Since then, both the countries have issued ‘Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation’ (2008), its ‘Action Plan’ (2009) and signed an agreement which permitted the Indian Navy and Japan Maritime Self Defence Forces (JMSDF) to engage in joint training on a regular basis (2012).
Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe talked about the ‘Diamond Concept’ in December 2012. As part of this concept, he visualized the United States, Japan, Australia and India to form a security “diamond” under which these countries were to collaborate to ensure peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific.
During Prime Minister Singh’s visit to Japan in October 2008, two leaders issued "the Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation between Japan and India". There are also various frameworks of security and defence dialogue between Japan and India including “2+2” Dialogue, Defence Policy Dialogue, Military-to-Military Talks and Coast Guard-to-Coast Guard cooperation.
At recent summit meetings, two Prime Ministers appreciated Japan’s regular participation in the Malabar Exercise and the entry into force of the two Defence Framework Agreement concerning the Transfer of Defence Equipment and Technology and concerning Security Measures for the Protection of Classified Military Information.
Departure in Japan’s policy position on transfer of defence equipment and technology has raised India’s hopes about new vistas of high-end defence technology cooperation. While considerable progress was achieved in strengthening defence cooperation, negotiation in the Joint Working Group (JWG) on the Utility Seaplane Mark 2 (US-2) have not yielded any significant result.
Possession of these aircrafts (US-2) is crucial for India to better surveil its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) in the Arabian Sea and Indian Ocean Region (IOR), ensure speedy response to incidents near the Andaman and Nicobar Islands and assist other countries in the region.
Altogether, India-Japan defence and security cooperation signal a new level of strategic partnership between the two countries, which is complementary to India’s ‘Act East Policy’ and Japan’s focus on freedom of navigation in the South China Sea. In recent times, such a bilateral partnership becomes much more significant given China’s growing military assertiveness in the South China Sea and uncertainty over US’s future role and policy in the Indo-Pacific region.
The Science & Technology Cooperation Agreement between India and Japan was signed in November 1985 with Ministry of Foreign Affairs Japan and Department of Science & Technology, India as nodal agencies on behalf of the two governments.
The cooperation picked up its momentum after establishment of India-Japan Science Council (IJSC) in the year 1993. The IJSC activities include collaborative research projects sessions, academic seminars, and exploratory visits by scientists from both countries and Raman-Mizushima lecture series.
Another important cooperation under the new science and technology initiative between JST and DST is a theme based activity. The initial theme was information and communication technologies (ICT) under which several projects were supported during 2006-2012. The current theme for JST-DST collaboration is on biomedical research.
A cultural agreement was signed between India and Japan on 29 October 1956. The Vivekananda Cultural Centre in Tokyo was inaugurated during the visit of ICCR President on 25 September 2009. The Centre offers classes on Yoga, Tabla, Bharatanatyam, Odissi, Sambalpuri, Bollywood dances and Hindi and Bengali languages.
The year 2012 marked the 60th Anniversary of the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations between Japan and India. Various cultural events took place both in Japan and in India to promote mutual
understanding between the two countries, under the theme of “Resurgent Japan, Vibrant India: New Perspectives, New Exchanges.”
During the visit of Prime Minister Modi to Japan in November 2016, the two Prime Ministers agreed to mark the year 2017 as a year of Japan-India friendly exchanges to further enhance people-to-people exchanges between Japan and India. The year 2017 also marks the 60th anniversary since the Cultural Agreement came into force in 1957.
In recent years, there has been a change in the composition of the Indian community with the arrival of a large number of professionals. These include IT professionals and engineers working for Indian and Japanese firms as well as professionals in management, finance, education, and S&T research who are engaged with multinational as well as Indian and Japanese organizations.
The Nishikasai area in Tokyo is emerging as a “mini-India”. The community is engaged in a range of cultural and social activities. Their growing numbers had prompted the opening of two Indian schools in Tokyo and Yokohama.
Since 1986, Japan has become India's largest aid donor. Besides, a total of 59 projects are under implementation with Japanese loan assistance. The loan amount committed for these projects is over $ 12 billion. These projects are in the sectors of power, environment and forests, urban transportation, urban water supply and sanitation, rural drinking water supply, tourism, irrigation, agriculture, shipping, railways, renewable energy and financial services.
Recently the two sides also signed a Japanese Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) whose two main components are a $130-million loan to Tamil Nadu for quick implementation of infrastructure projects such as roads, power, water supply and sewerage, and a $177.3 million for improving the education and research environment at the Indian Institute of Technology, Hyderabad, $150 million for Uttarakhand badly hit by landslips triggered by heavy rains in June. The focus will be on reconstruction of roads to holy shrines.
The two countries are almost polar opposites when it comes to nuclear weapons and nuclear energy – as matters of national policy, and even, as a matter of national political identities. Nuclear weapons, and since the disaster at Fukushima, nuclear energy, are anathemas in contemporary Japanese political culture. The nation’s post-war foreign policy has taken on the cause of nuclear disarmament with some fervor.
Nevertheless, Japan has always felt uncomfortable with India’s status as a non-signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), the Comprehensive Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), and the Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty (FMCT). In the early 2000s, prior to the official declaration of the Strategic Partnership in 2006, Japanese diplomats formally requested that India participate in negotiations for these treaties.
With the landmark 123 Agreement India has acquired a rather unique status among the global community of nuclear states when it received a waiver from the Nuclear Suppliers Group in 2008; it became the only non-NPT state to have achieved this and remains so to this day. The NSG waiver was largely a product of its excellent non-proliferation record in practice.
In the wake of India’s effective acceptance into the mainstream club of nuclear-weapon states, Japan began negotiating a Civil Nuclear Cooperation deal. Japan’s brief switch from the LDP to the DPJ altered the political culture of the kantei, which made it difficult for the India-Japan political relationship to return to its previous high during the Abe-Fukuda-Aso era. The major disruption in the nuclear talks was the crisis at Fukushima Daiichi and the ensuing paralysis it inspired.
On the other hand, India desperately needs this agreement with Japan since Japanese companies have a virtual monopoly over the reactor vessels, which is crucial in maintaining civil nuclear plants. The agreement will allow French and American companies to install reactors in the plants in India.
There is considerable scope for increased Japanese investment in India. Japanese companies have been conservative while dealing with India. Japanese investment in India is much below its potential. Japanese investors often face red tapism, issues related to taxation, corruption etc. in India. The slow growth in trade with Japan is also a cause of concern for India in the view that both countries have signed CEPA in 2011.
India has highlighted various issues which need to be addressed by the Japanese side for providing greater market access to Indian products in Japan, especially items with high potential like marine products and pharmaceuticals. India also sought recognition of the Indian organic standards by Japan to overcome sanitary and phyto-sanitary barriers.
In December 2016, Japan has dragged India to the World Trade Organisation’s Dispute settlement body for adopting safeguard measures on imports of iron and steel products. Japanese policy makers kept on stalling the India-Japan civil nuclear cooperation for long. It was only in 2017 that both countries were able to finalise the civil nuclear deal. Not only did it affect India’s energy security but it also created hindrance for Japanese investment.
Both India and Japan are energy deficient countries. Both rely upon imports of hydrocarbons from the Middle East/West Asia. The bilateral energy dialogue includes energy efficiency and conservation, renewable energy, coal, electricity, etc. This dialogue needs to show tangible results.
The two countries’ respective relationships with China. That is, the stronger that Japan-India cooperation becomes, the more China may feel that it is being contained. Despite concerns over China’s assertiveness in the Asia-Pacific region, Beijing remains a vital economic partner for both Tokyo and New Delhi.
There is difference in interpretation over freedom of navigation (FON) in EEZs. Both Japan and India acknowledge the importance of FON, but India’s position on FON is at least as – if not more – restrictive than China’s, as recognized in a DOD report.
In addition to the above challenges, there is uncertainty about the future of the Japan- India relationship after Prime Ministers Abe and Modi step down from office, since it was under their strong leadership that the relationship gained so much momentum. As long as China keeps up its assertiveness, Japan and India are likely to continue deepening their strategic relationship.
A challenge for India is to correct the lopsided trade and calibrate China’s market access to progress on bilateral political, territorial and water disputes, or else Beijing will fortify its leverage against India. After all, China does not shy away from making efforts to block the rise of India and Japan, including by stepping up military pressure on them and opposing the expansion of the UN Security Council’s permanent membership.
People to people contacts between India and Japan need to increase further. There are very few Indian students studying in Japan as compared from China. Clearly, Japan needs to make its universities and institutions of higher learning more attractive to Indian students. Interaction between the two countries has largely remained at the intergovernmental level.
India-Japan WTO Dispute
Japan has dragged India to the World Trade Organisation’s Dispute settlement body for adopting safeguard measures on imports of iron and steel products.
What Is The Issue?
India has imposed minimum import price (MIP) on imports of certain iron and steel products. India argued that it has imposed MIP due to growing imports from steel surplus countries like China, Japan and Korea with predatory prices which is badly hurting the domestic industry since Sept 2014.
• India clarified that it has adopted the WTO-compliant measures like anti-dumping duty which can be used to overcome the issue of cheap imports of commodities.
• According to the WTOs dispute settlement process, the request for consultations is the first step in a dispute settlement. As Japan has filed the case, it will do bilateral consultations with India on the issue.
• Consultations give the parties an opportunity to discuss the matter and to find a satisfactory solution without proceeding further with litigation.
• After 60 days if consultations fail to resolve the dispute, the complainant may request adjudication by a panel.
• India and Japan implemented a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement in 2011. It gave easy access to Japan in the Indian steel market. Indian industry has time and again demanded to take out the steel sector from the pact. But it can happen only after both the sides agree to do the same.
India and Japan Vision 2025: Special Strategic and Global Partnership Working Together for Peace and Prosperity of the Indo-Pacific Region and the World (December, 2015 Extracts from Ministry of External Affairs press release)
Vision for a Deep, Broad-based and Action-oriented Partnership- The peoples of India and Japan are guided by common cultural traditions including the heritage of Buddhism, and share commitment to the ideals of democracy, tolerance, pluralism and open society. India and Japan, two of the largest and oldest democracies in Asia having a high degree of congruence of political, economic and strategic interests, view each other as partners that have responsibility for and are capable of responding to global and regional challenges.
Investing in the Future-
Vision for Peace and Stability - Recognising that peace, stability and development in the Indo-Pacific region is indispensable to their national security and prosperity, they reaffirmed that close cooperation between Japan and India is the key to achieving peace and stability in the region. They welcomed the progress in strengthening the East Asia Summit to enhance dialogue on political and security issues, and reaffirmed their commitment to continue to work with all partners, especially with ASEAN which is at the core of EAS, to make EAS the premier leaders-led forum to discuss regional peace and security agenda.
Expressing their commitment to the principles of sovereign equality of all states as well as respect for their territorial integrity, they affirmed closer cooperation in safeguarding the global commons in maritime, space and cyber domains. They underscored the importance of international law including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and peaceful resolution of disputes without use or threat of use of force; freedom of navigation and overflight and unimpeded lawful commerce in international waters.
In view of critical importance of the sea lanes of communications in the South China Sea for regional energy security and trade and commerce which underpins continued peace and prosperity of the Indo-Pacific, the two Prime Ministers noting the developments in the South China Sea called upon all States to avoid unilateral actions that could lead to tensions in the region. They were of the view that full and effective implementation of the 2002 Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea and early conclusion of the negotiations to establish a Code of Conduct in the South China Sea by consensus will contribute to peace and stability of the region. They decided to hold regular close consultations on the issues related to maritime safety and security of sea lanes of communication.
Sharing their concerns about the growing threat and universal reach of extremism, the two Prime Ministers reiterated their strong condemnation of terrorism in all its forms and manifestations with ‘zero tolerance’ and reaffirmed their deep concern over the continued threat posed by terrorists and terrorist groups. They called upon all countries to implement the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1267 and other relevant resolutions designating terrorist entities. They also called for eliminating terrorist safe havens and infrastructure, in disrupting terrorist networks and financing channels, and stopping cross-border movement of terrorists. They underlined the need for all countries to effectively deal with trans-national terrorism emanating from their territory. They emphasised that the evolving character of terrorism called for stronger international partnership in combating terrorism, including through increased sharing of information and intelligence. They affirmed the importance of bringing the perpetrators of terrorist attacks including those of November 2008 terrorist attack in Mumbai to justice.
The two Prime Ministers expressed concern over North Korea’s continued development of its nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programmes, including its uranium enrichment activities. They urged North Korea to fully comply with its international obligations, including under relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions and to take actions towards thedenuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula. They also urged North Korea to address at the earliest the abductions issue.
Prime Minister Abe briefed Prime Minister Modi on Japan’s efforts, including the "Proactive Contribution to Peace” based on the principle of international cooperation and the "Legislation for Peace and Security,” to contribute even more to peace, stability and prosperity of the region and the international community. Prime Minister Modi welcomed and supported Japan’s efforts anddesire to enhance its contribution to global peace, stability and prosperity.
The two Prime Ministers reaffirmed their intention to work together for the early realisation of U.N. reforms, particularly the Security Council reform, to better reflect the realities of the international community in the 21st century. They welcomed the recent developments in the Inter-Governmental Negotiation (IGN) process, towards the launch of text-based negotiations, and reaffirmed their determination to redouble their efforts towards achieving concrete outcomes during the 70th Session of the U.N. General Assembly. The two Prime Ministers reiterated their support for each other's candidature, based on the firmly shared recognition that India and Japan are legitimate candidates for permanent membership in an expanded Security Council.
Recognising India as the largest democracy and a fast growing large economy in the Asia-Pacific region, the Japanese side conveyed its support to India’s membership of the APEC as a positive contribution to the economic integration in the region.
The two Prime Ministers, on the occasion of the 70th year since the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, reaffirmed their shared commitment to the total elimination of nuclear weapons. They called for an immediate commencement and early conclusion of negotiations on a non-discriminatory, multilateral and internationally and effectively verifiable Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT) on the basis of Shannon Mandate. In this context, Prime Minister Abe stressed the importance of early entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) which should lead to nuclear disarmament. They also supported the strengthening of international cooperation to address the challenges of nuclear proliferation and nuclear terrorism.
The two Prime Ministers recognised the importance of effective national export control systems. Japan welcomed India’s intensified engagement with export control regimes.The two Prime Ministers affirmed their commitment to work together for India to become a full member in the four international export control regimes: Nuclear Suppliers Group, Missile Technology Control Regime, Wassenaar Arrangement and Australia Group, with the aim of strengthening the international non-proliferation efforts.
INDIA-JAPAN AGREEMENT FOR COOPERATION IN THE PEACEFUL USES OF NUCLEAR ENERGY
The India-Japan Agreement for Cooperation in the Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy entered into force on July 20, 2017.
About the agreement:
Significance:
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